E.R. Hardy (ed.), Christology of the Later Fathers (1954)

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Christology of the Later Fathers

General Editors

John Baillie (1886-1960) served as President of the World Council of Churches, a member of the British Council of Churches, Moderator of the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland, and Dean of the Faculty of Divinity at the University of Edinburgh. John T. McNeill (1885-1975) was Professor of the History of European Christianity at the University of Chicago and then Auburn Professor of Church History at Union Theological Seminary in New York. Henry P. Van Dusen (1897-1975) was an early and influential member of the World Council of Churches and served at Union Theological Seminary in New York as Roosevelt Professor of Systematic Theology and later as President.

THE LIBRARY OF CHRISTIAN CLASSICS

Christology of the Later Fathers Edited by EDWARD R. HARDY

PhD In collaboration with CYRIL C. RICHARDSON

ThD, DD

© 1954 The Westminster Press Paperback reissued 2006 by Westminster John Knox Press, Louisville, Kentucky. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or by any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. For information, address Westminster John Knox Press, 100 Witherspoon Street, Louisville, Kentucky 40202-1396. Cover design by designpointinc.com

Published by Westminster John Knox Press Louisville, Kentucky This book is printed on acid-free paper that meets the American National Standards Institute Z39.48 standard.© PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is on file at the Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. ISBN-13: 978-0-664-24152-0 ISBN-10: 0-664-24152-2

GENERAL E D I T O R S ' PREFACE

The Christian Church possesses in its literature an abundant and incomparable treasure. But it is an inheritance that must be reclaimed by each generation. THE LIBRARY OF CHRISTIAN CLASSICS is designed to present in the English language, and in twenty-six volumes of convenient size, a selection of the most indispensable Christian treatises written prior to the end of the sixteenth century. The practice of giving circulation to writings selected for superior worth or special interest was adopted at the beginning of Christian history. The canonical Scriptures were themselves a selection from a much wider literature. In the Patristic era there began to appear a class of works of compilation (often designed for ready reference in controversy) of the opinions of well-reputed predecessors, and in the Middle Ages many such works were produced. These medieval anthologies actually preserve some noteworthy materials from works otherwise lost. In modern times, with the increasing inability even of those trained in universities and theological colleges to read Latin and Greek texts with ease and familiarity, the translation of selected portions of earlier Christian literature into modern languages has become more necessary than ever; while the wide range of distinguished books written in vernaculars such as English makes selection there also needful. The efforts that have been made to meet this need are too numerous to be noted here, but none of these collections serves the purpose of the reader who desires a library of representative treatises spanning the Christian centuries as a whole. Most of them embrace only the age of the Church Fathers, and some of them have long been out of print. A fresh translation of a work already 9

10

GENERAL EDITORS

PREFACE

translated may shed much new light upon its meaning. This is true even of Bible translations despite the work of many experts through the centuries. In some instances old translations have been adopted in this series, but wherever necessary or desirable, new ones have been made. Notes have been supplied where these were needed to explain the author's meaning. The introductions provided for the several treatises and extracts will, we believe, furnish welcome guidance. JOHN BAILLIE JOHN T. MGNEILL HENRY P. VAN DUSBM

CONTENTS

PREFACE

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13

Faith in Christ, Theology, and Creeds . . . . . . . 1 5 General Bibliography . . . . . 39

GENERAL INTRODUCTION:

ATHANASIUS [Edited by the Editor)

.

.

.

. 4 1

Introduction to Athanasius . . . . Bibliography . . . . . . . On the Incarnation of the Word {Translated by Archibald Robertson)

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.

.

.

G R E G O R Y O F NAZIANZUS {Edited by the Editor)

43 52

. .

55 .

111

I n t r o d u c t i o n t o G r e g o r y of N a z i a n z u s . . . 1 1 3 Bibliography . . . . . . 1 2 6 T h e T h e o l o g i c a l O r a t i o n s (Translated by Charles

Gordon Browne and James Edward Swallow) . Letters on the Apollinarian Controversy {Translated by Charles Gordon Browne and James Swallow) . . . . . GREGORY

O F NYSSA

Richardson)

{Edited

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.

and

.

Translated

.

.

Edward . . 2 1 5

by Cyril

.

C.

.

Introduction to Gregory of Nyssa . . . Bibliography . . . . . . . An Answer to Ablabius: That We Should Not Think of Saying There Are Three Gods . . . An Address on Religious Instruction . . . 11

128

233

235 251 256 268

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CONTENTS

DOCUMENTS

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3 2 7

Documents Illustrating the Christology of the EcuI. II. III. IV. V. VI. VII. VIII. IX. X. XI. XII.

menical Councils {Edited and Translated by the Editor) . . . . . . . The Letter of Arius to Eusebius of Nicomedia . The Confession of the Arians, Addressed to Alexander of Alexandria . . . . The Letter of Eusebius of Caesarea Describing the Council of Nicaea . . . . The Creed of Ariminum. . . . . Summary of the Tome of Constantinople, 381 . Dogmatic Letters of Nestorius and Cyril of Alexandria . . . . . . The Formula of Union of 433 . . . The Tome of Leo {Translated by William Bright) . The Chalcedonian Decree . . . . Extracts from Leontius of Byzantium . . The Anathemas of the Second Council of Constantinople (Fifth Ecumenical) . . The Statement of Faith of the Third Council of Constantinople (Sixth Ecumenical) . .

INDEXES

329 329 332 335 341 343 346 355 359 371 375 378 382 387

PREFACE

The material included in this volume represents the formulation of historic Christian convictions on the Person of Christ in the period of the Ecumenical Councils. Major works are included by three authors who are important as well for their central position in the stream of tradition as for the significance of their own contributions. The Introduction and series of Documents will, it is hoped, be sufficient to indicate the questions which the ancient Church at large faced in this field, as it saw them, and the answers which it gave, in its own terms. For Athanasius, Gregory of Nazianzus, and Leo it has seemed best to reprint, with new notes and some slight corrections, careful translations of the last century. The works of Gregory of Nyssa, and most of the Documents, appear in new versions; the combination of reprints and new translation produces some variations in method, but this may in part correspond to the various influences (Biblical, learned, and popular) which give a certain variety to patristic Greek. I am deeply indebted to Dr. Richardson for his contribution to this volume, and to the General Editors for their guidance and suggestions. Berkeley Divinity School.

EDWARD ROCHIE HARDY.

General Introduction: Faith in Christ, Theology and Creeds

G

OD WAS IN

CHRIST

RECONCILING

THE

WORLD

• unto himself" (II Cor. 5:19). In these simple words Paul expressed the central Christian conviction which Christian theology ever since has labored to preserve, to defend, and as far as possible to understand. Ever since the fifth century we have been accustomed to consider that the central problem of Christology is how to maintain the true humanity of the Saviour without obscuring the affirmation that God was indeed acting in Christ. The first four Christian centuries faced rather a different problem in the intellectual definition of the faith— to assert the true deity of the God who acted in Christ without obscuring the ancient faith of Israel that "the Lord our God, the Lord is one" (Deut. 6:4, R. S. V., margin). By the end of the second century the possible alternative solutions had been explored. Holding firm to the unity of God, or, as that age would have said, to the divine monarchy, one might say that Father and Son are merely two appearances of the same subject—-two parts (prosopa, personae, as in dramatis personae)

assumed by the same simple being. This is modalism, commonly known from the name of one of its conspicuous representatives as Sabellianism. Or one could adopt the opposite course and say that God the Father, and he only, is God in the true sense. Then the Word who was known on earth was another, a second and subordinate, divine entity—theos kai kurios heteros—as Justin Martyr 1 rather carelessly says, although that phrase would not mean for him quite what it does for us. Arius later formalized this subordinationism. But this is dangerously close to polytheism, and it might be safer to say that the 1 Dialogue with Trypho, 56. 15

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CHRISTOLOGY OF THE LATER FATHERS

eternal Word is simply an attribute of God, or an aspect of his working, and that in these last days he spoke supremely through Jesus as he had in old times spoken through prophets and sages. This was the view that was attributed to Paul of Samosata, bishop of Antioch. None of these positions was formally excluded by the Church's "rule of faith" as it existed in the third century, in various local forms of creeds taught to catechumens in preparation for their baptism in the threefold name. The Old Roman Symbol, known to us in a later form as the Apostles' Creed, is an excellent case in point. In the late second century converts at Rome were asked in the baptismal rite, "Do you believe in God the Father Almighty?" and "Do you believe in Christ Jesus, the Son of God . . .?" 2 By the end of the third century the second phrase probably read as we now know it, "his only Son our Lord," thus excluding any tendency to reduce Jesus to the rank of one among many. By general agreement the Church seems thus to have rejected the extreme positions that had been explored by some Christian teachers at Rome—modalism on the one hand, and the treatment of Jesus as a mere man on the other. But further definition there was none, nor in this Creed, still commonly used by the Churches of the West, is there to this day. In the East, forms of Christian profession were likely to dwell somewhat more on God the Word as well as on Jesus the Son of God. So Origen tells us that the common rule of faith as he understood it included the confession that Jesus Christ was born of the Father before all creatures, and served God in the making of the world before he himself came into the world that he had made, becoming man while he yet remained divine. When formally expounding his own understanding of the doctrine he stays close to Biblical titles—the Word and Wisdom of God, and the image of his being {hypostasis, Heb. 113). But he introduces one principle, philosophical though not technical, which is of great importance in the later discussion. As God is eternal, so his Word and Wisdom is equally eternal, as also his Spirit—in other words, Son and Spirit belong on the divine side of the infinite division between deity and all that is not God. Equally Origen asserts that, as man, Christ was a real man, with no element lacking in his humanity that is necessary to man. But in him whom we know as both God and man, dying and returning victor over death, 2

Hippolytus Apostolic Tradition, 21.

INTRODUCTION: F A I T H , T H E O L O G Y , AND GREEDS 17

godhead and manhood coexist, like fire and metal in red-hot iron. Yet Origen sometimes seems to speak of Son and Spirit as coeternal, and yet not quite divine; he certainly accepts the suggestion that they might be the seraphim who cried, "Holy, holy, holy."* The history of theology can be written in large part by the explanation of a series of technical terms, the understanding, misunderstanding, and final definition of which make up the development of doctrine. Such terms were already available for trinitarian and Christological thought in the time of Origen, and the third century use of them was to cause some confusion when some were, for more precise clarification, given different meanings in the fourth century. Behind appearances is the permanent being which underlies them—that which, as it were, stands under, hypo-stasis. The cognate Latin substantia was already in use in the West since the time of Tertullian for the essential being which is common to Father, Son, and Holy Ghost. The Greek term had the advantage of being a Biblical one, since the New Testament tells us that Christ is the image of the Father's hypostasis (Heb. 1:3). Greek also had a more abstract term for being or essence, ousia; if one wished to affirm the closest unity of Father and Son one could describe them as being of the same essence, homoousios. But this term had unfortunate associations in the Eastern Church. Origen's pupil, Dionysius of Alexandria, had rejected it as being non-Scriptural and as suggestive of Sabellianism, against which he was writing in A.D. 259-260. His namesake of Rome called him to task for this, and in further correspondence the Alexandrian admitted the propriety of the term, in the sense that the divine Father and Son are, like any father and son, of the same essence, though he still didn't like it. But a few years afterwards the leaders of the Eastern Church generally took part in the condemnation of Paul of Samosata, who was supposed to have used homoousios to express his idea of the eternal Word which is merely one form of divine action. In this sense the Councils of Antioch which condemned Paul seem also to have branded homoousios as a term of, at least, heretical tendency. 3

On First Principles, Preface; i, 2, 3; ii, 6; the standard later interpretation is of course that the seraphim sing, "Holy, holy, holy," to Father, Son, and Spirit (cf. Athanasius, On "All Things Were Delivered to Me," 4).

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II Clarity in general principles but uncertainty in details— such was the state of Christian thought on these important matters when the last great persecution suspended theological discussion. When toleration came in 313, the leadership of the Church was divided between older men who had survived the persecution, and were sometimes only too glad to welcome the sunshine of imperial and popular favor that followed it, and younger men whose position was not yet firmly established. Eusebius of Caesarea is an example of the former class, and Athanasius of Alexandria of the latter. To this moment of pause between persecution and controversy belong the two essays of Athanasius, Against the Heathen and On the Incarnation. The latter remains to this day a classic statement of the ancient Church's faith in the re-creation of a fallen world by the divine Word who made it in the beginning, and so stands as the first major work reprinted in this volume. At this moment of apparent triumph Athanasius sets out the central theme of the Alexandrian Christology at its best. His chief concern is with the power of the new life in Christ which we share; his divinity makes his life mighty and his humanity makes it ours. The discussion is not yet forced into making the technical distinctions which were to be found necessary later. Athanasius can say simply of the incarnate Word that "he was made man," and certainly does not mean to imply that his was a reduced humanity; but his only formal terms for the humanity of Christ are his "flesh" or "body." Conversely the distinctness of the Father and the Word is implied rather than clearly stated. Such lack of strict definition would have been impossible later, but at the moment was neither surprising nor harmful. On the Incarnation is one of those great books which develop one great theme supremely. In contrast to the caution of the bright young deacon stood the rashness of the respected presbyter of the Baucalis church in the Greek section of Alexandria. If Athanasius at this stage does not define as much as he might, Arius seems to have defined too brightly and too soon. His teacher, Lucian, was probably a well-known presbyter and martyr of Antioch, though he may have been another of the same name. The serious interest of the Lucianists, however, was not in the historical considerations which are customarily connected with Antiochene Christology, but in others of a philosophical order.

I N T R O D U C T I O N : F A I T H , THEOLOGY, AND CREEDS

19

They were engaged in the always delicate and sometimes dangerous process of commending the gospel to the best thought of the age, and may well have felt that the new opportunities offered to the Christian preacher demanded a statement of Christian truths in terms the age could understand. Now for the Neo-Platonist mind the ultimate Being was too remote to be incarnate, and man was too low in the scale of existence to be capable of receiving deity. But the idea of intermediate beings who could connect God and man while themselves being neither was quite congenial to them. And such a being, thought Arius, developing one side of Origen's speculations and ignoring others, was the Son of God who appeared on earth in the body of Jesus. A modern writer has spoken of Arianism as "one of those 'sensible' synthetic religions which are so strongly recommended today and which, then as now, included among their devotees many highly cultivated clergymen." 4 A certain bumptiousness is not unknown among cultured theologians—one may think of such later examples as Erasmus and Dean Inge —and Arius seems to have possessed it to a high degree. Certainly the early statements of Arian ideas treat Bishop Alexander's theology with a superciliousness that doubtless reflects local and personal tensions—as between the parish priest of the metropolitan parish, one of those whom the bishop properly addressed as "fellow presbyters," 5 and the bishop, who already had almost patriarchal authority among the simpler Egyptian Christians of the countryside—as well as the clash of ideas. But the latter is real. Arius' Christ is a demigod, "made, or created or established" (Documents I and II) in time, and Alexander's is at least coeternal with the Father. In spite of Arius' claim that he, and he only, avoided all heresies, the proper criticism of Arianism in its early crude form is that it is not really a form of Christianity. One can understand the vigorous reaction that led the church of Egypt, still struggling to re-establish its unity after the stresses of the persecution, to condemn and expel the intransigent presbyter—and also Arius' perfectly natural attempt to secure support from the "fellow Lucianists" and other friends of his who were scattered through the Eastern churches. It is at this point that the verses of his Thalia made an attempt to 4 C. S. Lewis, in his Introduction to The Incarnation of the Word of God, s

Being the Treatise of St. Athanasius, newly translated, London, 1944, p. 11. Cf. Dionysius in Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History, vii, 11, 3.

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GHRISTOLOGY OF THE LATER FATHERS

appeal to the populace of Alexandria. This was never, I think, very successful, but there was a persistent Arian minority at Alexandria for some fifty years. The fragments that Athanasius quotes do not sound much like popular songs, but such they apparently were. As Miss Dorothy Sayers has neatly paraphrased the general effect of Arius' verse, "If you want the Logos doctrine, I can serve it hot and hot: God begat him and before he was begotten he was not." 6 The emperor Constantine was naturally annoyed when, after having decided that the unity and welfare of his Empire demanded his support of the Christian Church, he found that the new religion was itself plagued with divisions. Typically, a problem of discipline was most conspicuous in the West (Donatism), and a division about the faith in the East. The Arian controversy had probably been in progress for some years when Constantine defeated his last rival and became sole emperor in A.D. 324. The need for a united Church as a unifying force in the Empire was presumably from his point of view the main reason for the summoning of a General Council at Nicaea in 325. Arianism was not the only problem discussed, but certainly had the main place on the agenda. Two things are clear in our rather fragmentary accounts of what happened at Nicaea: first, that out-and-out Arians were in a hopeless minority; secondly, that the means adopted to exclude Arianism, the introduction of the disputed word homoousios into the Creed, was a startling proposal, somewhat unwelcome to many of those who accepted it. No theologian quite liked it, and some professed, more or less disingenuously, that what it suggested to them was the idea of Godhead broken into fragments. Though obviously a theological term, it was in a way a layman's term for those who wanted to say undeniably that Christ is divine—something like the phrase of our modern Faith and Order Conference, "Jesus Christ as God and Saviour," which is a reasonably clear statement but not precisely the way a theologian would want to put things. The method, moreover, of stating the common faith in a conciliar creed was new. The original use of creeds is to provide, by expansion of the threefold formula of baptism, a brief statement of the faith which the convert accepts as the living tradition of the Body of Christ. Harmony among the leaders of the Church had already, since the days of the Gnostic controversies in the second century, 6

Dorothy Sayers, The Emperor Constantine, Harper & Brothers, 1951, p . 119.

I N T R O D U C T I O N : F A I T H , THEOLOGY, AND GREEDS

21

been expressed by the assertion that they had learned, believed, and transmitted to their converts one common rule of faith. But the expression of this in a brief formula specially set forth by a council of bishops was a new idea. As a basis of their operations the Fathers of Nicaea seem to have taken one (or possibly more) of the creeds in use in the Eastern Church— probably not, as a first reading of Eusebius of Caesarea's letter to his church would suggest, the Creed of Caesarea in particular.7 Into this they inserted various phrases intended to exclude Arius' particular line of interpretation. "If you do that kind of thing, you might as well say homoousios," said a letter of Eusebius of Nicomedia, the prelate friend of Arius who had secured his transfer from the church of Beyrout to the imperial residence, and was later to move again to the new imperial city of Constantinople.8 Whether or not in response to this challenge, the Council decided to do just that, and with encouragement from the highest quarters added the disputed term to its creed, which all except Arius and his closest band of followers proceeded to accept. The text of the original Nicene Creed is best preserved in the apologetic letter which Eusebius of Caesarea wrote to his church (Document III). Only with explanations, some of which sound a little disingenuous, was he prepared to accept it, and such was doubtless the position of many another prelate besides the learned guardian of the great library. Though it may be held, I think correctly, that the Nicene Creed presented the solid basis of the common faith, it introduced a sharpness of definition which was new, and in the process raised new and rather puzzling questions. If the Father and Son were clearly defined as of one substance, how were they distinct—and how, now that the point is raised, are we to think of the eternal Son as really "made man"? Ill The details of the post-Nicene controversy, though a fascinating episode in general Church history, are of no great importance for specifically doctrinal history until the issues in the confused battle were gradually clarified. The detailed maneuvers exhibit the close connection of religion and politics ' Cf. discussion in J. N. D. Kelly, Early Christian Creeds, Ch. vii. 8 Ambrose, Defide, iii, 15 (and in H. G. Opitz, "Urkunden zur Geschichte des Arianischen Streites," in Athanasius Werke, Vol. iii, no. 21, p. 42).

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CHRISTOLOGY OF THE LATER FATHERS

which was generally accepted from the time of Constantine to the eighteenth century. The history can be understood almost as well if for "Arian" we read "imperialist," and for "orthodox" "ecclesiastical." In the first stage of reaction prominent Nicenes were attacked personally. Eustathius of Antioch, Paul of Constantinople, and Athanasius of Alexandria were exiled from their sees, the first two permanently. Then a series of credal statements appeared which ignored Nicaea rather than contradicting it. The Nicene cause suffered in the minds of conservatives from its extreme representative, Marcellus of Ancyra, for whom the Son was, it appears, but a temporary manifestation of the Father. Only after 350, when Constantius became sole emperor, were lines clearly drawn. Constantius favored, naturally enough, the party in the Church that looked to the imperial alliance for support. Credally this was expressed in a variety of statements which avoided the crudities of early Arianism and said great and lofty things about the Son of God, but fell short of declaring that his divinity was as the Father's. It does seem possible to see an inner connection between theological and political positions. Those for whom Christ was Lord and God defended the "crown rights of the Lord Jesus" over his Church, while those for whom he was a lesser being, however close to God, were more prepared to bow to the will of the emperor, as also God's vicegerent on earth. 9 In the broader sense, the positions supported under Constantius can be called "Semi-Arian," saying in one way or another that the Son was like the Father. The last of these creeds, for further confusion given its final touches at the little town of Nice in Thrace, was nominally at least accepted by all the bishops in possession of their sees in either East or West, including the delegates of the Western Church assembled at Ariminum (Rimini) in 360 (Document IV). It is this specific moment to which Jerome refers in his famous phrase, "The whole world groaned and was astonished to find itself Arian." l ° The Creed of Ariminum was taken to the Goths by their apostle, Ulfilas, and so became the formal confession of Germanic Arianism for three centuries more. In the Greek East, however, a further split followed almost immediately. The 9 Cf. George H. Williams, "Christology and Church-State Relations in the Fourth Century," Church History, Vol. xx, 1951, no. 3, pp. 3-33; no. 4, pp. 3-26. i° Dialogus adversus Luciferianos, 19.

INTRODUCTION: FAITH, THEOLOGY, AND CREEDS

23

Arians of Constantinople and its neighborhood swung to the more extreme position of original Arianism, or something very much like it, and Semi-Arianslike Macedonius of Constantinople were now expelled from their positions. Others of similar sentiments began to find their way into the ranks of the Nicene party, which (apart from its own intransigents) was ready to receive them. It was in these years that the minds of men who were to lead the next generation were being formed. The two noble Cappadocians Basil of Caesarea and Gregory of Nazianzus were students at Athens through most of the last decade of Constantius. The brief pagan reaction under Julian the Apostate at least removed imperial pressure in favor of one form of Christianity against another, and at its end what may be called a Neo-Nicene party was prepared to take the lead in the Eastern Church. The years from 361 to 381, from the death of Constantius to the First Council of Constantinople, are of great importance in the history of Christian doctrine. At Alexandria the old lion Athanasius was prepared to make the necessary explanations to unite those who accepted generally the Nicene position. His works of this period also deal with the related questions which the long-continued discussion had brought up. The Letters to Serapion defend the place of the Holy Spirit in the sphere of deity, which Arianism had rather incidentally challenged, and the Letter to Epictetus, bishop of Corinth, asserts clearly the completeness of the humanity of Christ. Basil's theological work moved along similar lines, Against Eunomius attacking out-and-out Arianism, and On the Holy Spirit asserting the deity of the Holy Ghost. An important shift in technical terminology is the use of ousia, essence, for the being of godhead, and hypostasis, subsistence, for its particular expression in Father, Son, and Spirit. The anathemas attached to the Nicene Creed had used the two words as synonyms, which seems on the whole to have been the usage that Athanasius preferred. But in his conciliatory Letter to the Bishops of Africa he agreed that hypostasis might be used either way, and the general usage has become, as Basil defines it, that ousia indicates the universal and hypostasis the particular.11 "One ousia and three hypostaseis" is therefore in Trinitarian theology recognized as the equivalent of the Latin phrase, "Three persons in one substance." It is necessary to remember that Greek hypostasis corresponds in etymology but » Epistle 236.

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CHRISTOLOGY OF THE LATER FATHERS

not in meaning to the Latin (and English) substance, which confused the young Jerome when he came to Antioch and found those whom he supposed to be orthodox talking, as it seemed to him, of three divine substances. Ancient Latin being chary of abstract terms, substantia with its concreteness had to serve for the general idea of being until medieval philosophers felt more at home with esse and essentia.12 Political Arianism was again supported by the emperor Valens, ruler of the Roman East from 364 to 378. This delay in the victory of the Neo-Nicene party was probably helpful in the long run, since it gave time for the clearer statement of its ideas and consolidation of its forces. In 379, Theodosius came from the West, where, except in certain parts of the Balkans, Arianism had never had any real foothold in the Latin Church. His recognition of the doctrine of the coequal Trinity as the creed of the Empire, and of its supporters as the officially recognized leaders of the Church, put the seal on the Church's own development. The Nicene formula, not wholly welcome even to its proponents in 325, had now become the palladium of orthodoxy, as it has ever since remained. Men had suffered for it, and welcomed its return as something simple and straightforward after the various complex substitutes offered for it. But as the phrase "coequal Trinity" indicates, the faith now accepted was Nicene with some difference and further development. Out of the storm and tempest of the Arian struggle had come the classical orthodox doctrine of God and Christ— worked out in the later writings of Athanasius, and those of his assistant in the School of Alexandria, Didymus the Blind, and from a somewhat different standpoint by Basil and the other Cappadocians. It is this Neo-Nicene faith that Theodosius accepted and enforced, and whose supporters gathered at the Council of Constantinople in 381 to settle the affairs and state the faith of the sees of the two imperial cities, Antioch and Constantinople. Historians have commonly minimized the contemporary importance of the Council, considering it as a regional gathering which only in retrospect acquired the status of a General Council because it did in fact mark the end of Arianism. But more recent study seems to show that the Council was more important at the moment than has been usually 12

Epistle 15; cf. the same confusion noted from the other side in Gregory Nazianzen's eulogy on Athanasius, Oration xxi, 35; on essentia and substantia, cf. Augustine, De Trinitate, v, 3, 10; vii, 7-11.

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supposed. It was indeed not concerned with the affairs of the West or of Egypt, where Arianism was already defeated. Still the Egyptians did finally arrive at its sessions, and so did the bishop of Thessalonica, whose connections were as much Western as Eastern. It did issue a tomos, or compendious doctrinal statement (more than a creed and less than a treatise), which though now lost was evidently a document of some importance and authority. Alexandria and Rome were both rebuffed in its disciplinary decisions, which left the Egyptians a little sulky, and led to unsuccessful efforts to reopen these matters in Western Councils in the next few years. It may be for this reason that the acceptance of the practical decisions of Constantinople was not accompanied by stress on the authority of that particular gathering until it took its place in the list of Ecumenical Councils in the decrees of Chalcedon seventy years later. The ambiguous position of the Council itself probably accounts for the obscurity which surrounds the early history of the creed known to most of the world as Nicene, but more precisely referred to as Constantinopolitan.13 Apparently at this period any baptismal creed that incorporated the key phrases of Nicaea could be described as a statement of the Nicene faith; interest in the precise background of particular forms of the creed is relatively modern. So it does not seem at all impossible that the Council of Constantinople included in its tomos a local form of creed, Nicene in this broader sense, and in so doing felt that it was honestly decreeing that the Nicene faith should prevail. There are slight hints in the proceedings of Chalcedon that this creed may have been spread on the records as that used at the baptism of Nectarius, who, in the course of the Council, was chosen to succeed Gregory of Nazianzus as bishop of Constantinople. It was, and is, usable as a basis for general instruction in a way that the original Nicene formula, never so intended anyway, was not. It omits, or rather, probably, never included, some of the technical phrases referring to the details of Arianism. It amplifies the brief conclusion, "And in the Holy Spirit," with phrases about the life in the Spirit such as baptismal creeds commonly included long before Nicaea, and with a declaration of the lordship of the Spirit called forth by contemporary denials. It would seem to be well described by Gregory of Nazianzus' statement that his creed was that of the Fathers of Nicaea, » Cf. Kelly, Early Christian Creeds, Ch. x.

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"completing in detail that which was incompletely said by them concerning the Holy Ghost."14 May not the simplest explanation be that this was the baptismal creed used by Gregory as pastor of the orthodox remnant at Constantinople in 379-381? Its contacts with Syrian and Cilician forms could be accounted for by Gappadocia's contacts with the Southeast, and its acceptance by the Fathers of Constantinople by the fact that they found it in use where they were meeting. Like the Eucharistic prayer of the Liturgy of Saint Basil, it seems to reflect a natural line of influence at this particular period—from Syria to Constantinople by way of Cappadocia. As a working baptismal creed, which Nicaea was not, the Creed of Constantinople found its way into general use and was the creed later introduced into the Liturgy. Only the Armenians, when they adopted a creed for public use, went back to the original Nicene text (though expanded), and still proclaim before the altar that the Catholic Church anathematizes those who say that there was when he was not. IV In 382 a second Council of Constantinople addressed a letter to the Western bishops in which the main decisions of the Council of 381 are summarized. Stating what the Nicene faith means, they seem in this letter to give the general sense of the lost tomos of 381 (Document V). The balanced statement of theology has gone somewhat beyond the threefold faith of the creed; its main points are belief in one God whose undivided substance exists in three hypostases and in the perfect incarnation of the Son. Here the solid structure of classical orthodox Christian theology now clearly appears, with its main doctrines of the Trinity and the incarnation. In adopting this formula the Council put the seal of its approval on the work of the three great Cappadocians, Basil and the two Gregorys. The Cappadocian Fathers are represented in this volume by two of their great works in which the ideas hammered out by Basil were more systematically presented. Gregory of Nazianzus' Theological Orations belong to his ministry at Constantinople before the Council; Gregory of Nyssa's Address on Religious Instruction is a guide for Christian teachers written in the calmer years after it. Full discussion of Cappadocian teaching would be a theological treatise in itself, but some points about 14 Epistle 102 (p. 225).

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it call for historical observations. The first is the completion of Trinitarianism by the formal statement of the deity of the Holy Spirit. The baptismal formula and many New Testament references had always told Christians that they knew God as Father, Son, and Spirit, and theology was obliged to maintain that this experience was not deceptive. To be sure, it came more naturally to some to think of the Spirit as an impersonal working of God, or as the leader of the heavenly hosts.15 Justin in a famous passage mentions Father, Son, and angels, as do the Gospels more than once, and then refers to the Spirit almost as an afterthought.16 Indeed in all ages Christians have been tempted to neglect the Spirit, practically as well as theoretically, and this need not surprise us at any period. But to formalize his position on any less than the divine level is a slip backward rather than a stage of development. Nazianzen, one may note, was as well aware of this historical problem as we are and met it by a theory of development in doctrine—the Father was known in the Old Testament, the Son in the New, and the Spirit in the experience of the Church. If Christian worship is rarely formally directed to the Spirit, that is because our prayers are themselves an expression of the life of the Spirit in us (Fifth Theological Oration, 12). Happily, the doctrine of the Holy Spirit was only briefly and occasionally of controversial interest. Tertullian's Montanist sympathies led him to stress the power of the Paraclete, and helped him perhaps to fix the term trias in theological terminology. But the ordinary Christian teacher before 325 felt no need to define in particular terms what his faith in the Holy Spirit meant. The fourth century difficulty is not so much, I think, a matter of gradual advance from this undefined faith as of temporary retrogression. If in Arian and Semi-Arian circles the being of the Son was defined as distinct from and inferior to that of the Father, obviously something similar was implied about the Holy Spirit. He could not be put on a higher level than the Son; he might be on a third level of deity—or merely a term for the Father and Son at work in our hearts— or another archangelic being of the same status as the Arian Son of God. Phrases implying this even found their way into liturgical usage—at least we may assume that some Arians actually said something like what the compiler of the Apostolic Constitutions wrote in the preface of his Eucharistic prayer: !* Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Theological Orations, v, 5 (p. 196). « First Apology, 6; cf. Mark 8:38.

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"Thee every bodiless and holy rank worships, thee the Paraclete worships, before all thy holy child Jesus, the Christ, the Lord, and our God, thine Angel and Commander of thy Host, and eternal and everlasting High Priest, thee the well-ordered armies of angels . . ." 1 7 adore, and so on. Once in circulation, such ideas about the Spirit seem to have been more or less accidentally taken up by some who were almost or quite Nicene in their doctrine about the Son. But the refutation undertaken by Athanasius and Basil was not really particularly difficult, and the Constantinopolitan amplification of the creed provided indeed a highly desirable balance. The formal statement was new, but the idea and attitude that it expressed was an inheritance from the apostles. Here as elsewhere the true Christian teacher was bringing out of his treasure things new and old (Matt. 13:52). The formal recognition of the deity of the Holy Spirit at last made possible complete definition of the doctrine of the Triune God. On this point the Cappadocians have, I think, been somewhat unfairly treated by many modern interpreters. They formally state that, since they use ousia for the general and hypostasis for the particular, the three divine persons share one common essence, as three human persons, such as Peter, James, and John, share the common essence of humanity. "Tritheism," or something very much like it, say Harnack and various other writers. But the criticism seems to me to fail on two points. First, we must remember that we are the heirs of the nominalists, and find it hard to take the reality of general entities seriously—for us Peter, James, and John are three individuals possessing human qualities, while for the Cappadocians they were rather a threefold manifestation of manhood. Secondly, in developing the Peter-James-John parallel they were concerned with the use of language, showing the propriety of speaking of three manifestations of a common essence. They were perfectly well aware that there is no room in the realm of being for three separate infinities, as there is for indefinite multiplication of finite beings such as men. Thus, for instance, as Gregory of Nyssa points out when writing on this topic in That We Should Not Think of Saying There Are Three Gods, the divine actions are all those of the Father acting through the 17 Apostolic Constitutions, viii, 12, 27; text of Vat. Gr. 1506 (in Didascalia et constitutions apostolorum, ed. F. X. Funk, Paderborn, 1905, Vol. i, p. 505); cf. C. H. Turner, "Notes on the Apostolic Constitutions," The Journal of Theological Studies, Vol. 16, 1914-1915, pp. 54-61.

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Son and by the Spirit. A few years later Augustine was to expound the doctrine of the Trinity as ascribing to God the fullness of personality rather than any multiplicity in the divine nature. The approach of the Cappadocians is different—they asserted the unity of the Three rather than the threefoldness of the One—but the final result is similar. In their theology the Cappadocians speak both as philosophers and as Christian believers. For their kind of Platonism the ineffability of the Supreme Being was a central truth of religious thought. Even the Greek word theos refers to a divine act—swift motion, perhaps, says Nazianzen, after Plato, or supervision, says Nyssax 8—rather than to God in himself. The goal and proper nature of religion is the glimpse of realities beyond human description. But the ineffable has manifested himself as Creator, Redeemer, and Sanctifier. Here the Cappadocians rest on solid Biblical grounds. Their Trinitarianism is primarily based on the fact that Christians have come to know God as Father, Son, and Spirit, knowing also that these three are one, and may be sure that this revelation does not deceive us as to ultimate reality, even though it may not wholly express it. Hence there is not even as much speculation as Augustine indulges in as to why there are precisely three divine hypostases, though there are slight hints that in this threefold motion being is complete.19 But the main point is that the Christian revelation tells us of a godhead complete in the Son and Spirit and the Wisdom and Love of the Father, and the Christian theologian should rather adore God as he has manifested himself than speculate as to whether the nature of deity might conceivably have been different. The Son is begotten and the Spirit proceeds, one as the Image and the other as the Breath of God. The distinction is obviously important, since otherwise there is no distinction between the two 20 —but having noted this, as a Biblical fact, the Cappadocians do not seem concerned to note just why it is or what it is; we have many true things to say about God, but should not dream that our thought will mount to a complete understanding of him, which was indeed the specific central error of the Eumonians. In writing of the incarnation the Cappadocians ring the changes on the idea that Christ is both true God and true man. Here they were met with an annoying heresy within the Nicene 18

Theological Orations, iv, 18 (p. 189); Not T h r e e Gods (p. 261). Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Theological Orations, iii, 2 (p. 161). 20 Ibid., iii, 3 (pp. 161, 162); v, 9 (p. 199). 19

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camp. The Apollinarians could claim to have developed ideas of Athanasius, much as, in a different way, Arius could claim to have developed the principles of Origen. Athanasius had commonly spoken of Christ's humanity as his "body" or "flesh," and had emphasized that God was indeed living and working in him. This might easily sound as if the divine Word took the place of the human mind or soul, leaving in the humanity of Christ only a body, though a living body with, if one wants to make the distinction, the animal soul that animals also possess. Curiously enough, this seems also to have been the Christology of Arianism. This becomes less surprising, however, when we consider that the finite and infinite are capable of union, as different kinds of being, while a being himself finite, however majestic, like the Arian Christ, could only enter into manhood by some kind of mixture. But the idea that God-made-man involves some kind of omission from humanity, to make room for godhead, as it were, has often commended itself to adherents of Nicene orthodoxy. Such ideas were apparently in the air of the 360's—Athanasius' Letter to Epictetus deals with speculations of this sort, though not exactly along the lines of Apollinaris. The latter was an embarrassing heretic. Bishop of Laodicea, he was a pillar of the Nicene faith in Syria, famous for his piety and learning. When Julian forbade Christians to teach the pagan classics, he embarked on the ambitious project of constructing a whole Christian literature in appropriate classical forms. Such a background doubtless accounted for the facile Apollinarian composition of new psalms and scriptures that Nazianzen complains of, and apparently for a confusing Apollinarian habit of editing or even falsifying works of respected Fathers in their own interest. Nothing could be said against Apollinaris except that his ideas were wrong, and, after a time, that his Church politics were irresponsible. For Apollinarianism was a party as well as an opinion, and its history needs more study from that particular point of view. Apollinaris consecrated a competing bishop for Antioch, and his followers troubled the peace of the Cappadocian Church in the 380's. It is only a convenience of textbooks that Apollinarianism is often listed as the main heresy condemned at the Second General Council in 381. It was included among several side issues of the Arian controversy which were being tidied up, and was at the moment probably of less importance than the Macedonian attack on the Holy Spirit. But it had considerable

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significance for the future. The classic reply to it came in Gregory Nazianzen's letters on the subject after his retirement to Cappadocia, which incidentally set the terms for coming discussion of Christology. "What was not assumed was not redeemed," is Gregory's keynote—the fullness of Christ's humanity is stressed in connection, not so much with the genuineness of his human example, as with the completeness of his mystical identification with our race. As in so many questions, the patristic approach is almost the reverse of ours. We are reasonably sure of the existence of the historic Jesus, but may find some difficulty in grasping the presence of God in that human life; Godhead is, as it were, added to humanity. Few of the Fathers had any difficulty in the idea of God the Word appearing on earth and taking to himself a human body. Their problem was rather in seeing how the divine manifestation, in which manhood was added to Godhead, could have taken place in a complete human nature. In this connection the term theotokos, "God bearer," is first formally employed with a reverse emphasis from that which it carries later. To say that Mary really bore the incarnate God is a way of saying that Christ was really divine. It is also a way of saying that God, in becoming man, really submitted to the experience of birth, and this seems to be Gregory's purpose in using in dogmatic statement a phrase that doubtless already had devotional associations.

With the work of the Cappadocians the main lines of classical Christian theology were laid down, but its development was by no means over. In the later fourth century the Syrian church produced the school of historical interpreters who are likely to be in mind when we speak of the School of Antioch, though most of them did not work at Antioch, and theirs was by no means the only influence in the Antiochene Patriarchate. The straightforward preaching of John Chrysostom reflected their spirit. Others, most conspicuously Theodore of Mopsuestia, seem to have shared some of our modern difficulty in uniting the Jesus of history with the eternal Son, and met it by distinguishing carefully between the temple of the humanity and the indwelling Emmanuel. Nominally at least, it was in opposition to this that Cyril spoke for the Alexandrian School in defense of the unity of Christ. Cyril was many things besides a theologian—national leader,

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ecclesiastical politician, manager of mobs and courts—but he had a theological word to say, the emphasis on a real union in which God and Man are one Christ, united in one concrete being, hypostasis, and not simply in outward appearance, prosopon. Latin and English confuse our understanding of this discussion by translating both terms as persona, person. Nestorius, the Antiochene bishop of Constantinople, seems to have fallen before his brother of Alexandria rather because of his muddleheadedness in thought and ineptness in politics than for the heresy he was supposed to hold. But Cyril did secure, by the general acceptance of his Ephesian Council of 431, the reaffirmation of the unity of Christ, God and man in one hypostasis (Document VI). He also insisted, perhaps as against the newer creed of Constantinople, on the original creed of Nicaea as the central statement of the faith. For a while after Ephesus, Alexandria and Antioch were in schism from each other. But in 433 union was restored, after due explanation. Cyril's letter to John of Antioch is in effect a concordat of the two sees—it accepts as orthodox a statement prepared by the Antiochenes that the union in Christ was a "union of natures," and clears Cyril from charges of Apollinarianism (Document VII). Fifteen years later the Alexandrian attack on Constantinople was resumed, nominally in defense of the abbot Eutyches, who claimed that there were two natures in Christ before the union (i.e., in divine foreknowledge of the incarnation), but only one afterward. Again there was an Alexandrian victory at Ephesus, in the so-called Robber Council of 449. But this time Rome, the consistent friend of Alexandria since the days of Athanasius, was swinging to the other side. The dominance of the Eastern Church by Alexandria was intolerable, and on the doctrine in question Leo of Rome had already pronounced in his Tome addressed to the bishop of Constantinople, Flavian (Document VIII). The theology of the Tome is simple and, except for new terms, little beyond that of the previous century. But it is meant to be a dogmatic statement, and often the proper purpose of dogma is to call a halt to mere speculation. There are in Christ two natures and substances {physes and ousiae) united in one person {prosopon and hypostasis). Under a new emperor the question was reopened in the East, and, in 451, Alexandrian politics were defeated and Alexandrian theology corrected at the Council of Chalcedon. Leo would doubtless have been glad if his Tome had been recognized as settling the question. The Council did not do this, however, although it did endorse the

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Tome, along with other orthodox documents, and the later opponents of Chalcedon in the East often spoke as if the "impious Tome" was what they were rejecting. But the Council decided to produce its own tomos and after some difficulty accepted the draft produced by a committee (how modern is this particular procedure!) as the Chalcedonian Decree (Document IX). The time was over for drawing up new creeds, but the original Creed of Nicaea was again ratified, and the Creed of Constantinople again proclaimed, with a further interpretation in which the key phrase, "In two natures," appears in a carefully balanced statement. VI Chalcedon, like Nicaea, had introduced a new phrase to affirm the ancient faith, and it was followed by a similar reaction. But the end of the controversy was less happy. AntiChalcedonians, or Monophysites, were a strong party in the Eastern Church for a century, and the final result of the struggle was a group of schisms which have endured to the present day. For two centuries the Byzantine emperors attempted a series of compromises which might maintain the unity of their Eastern and Western provinces—for "Chalcedonian" and "Monophysite" in this history one may equally well read "Western" and "Oriental," with Constantinople as the meeting point of the two parties. The failure of this policy is one of many proofs that the emperors were not so dominant in Church affairs as is often supposed. The total result is one of the tragedies of history, but even in this controversy some developments of theological interest took place, and one of some liturgical importance. Monophysites, to stress their loyalty to Nicaea as against innovations, began the custom of reciting the Nicene Creed in the Eucharistic Liturgy—meaning by this, in fact, the adapted Creed of Constantinople. The custom at once proved popular, and since then the rolling periods of Nicaea have had their place in public worship. This development has some importance in the history of the creed itself, since it puts Christian confession in its proper context of prayer and praise rather than in an atmosphere of debate. Even the rather barren sixth century deserves more attention than it often receives in the history of Christian thought. The accession of Justin I in 518 restored Chalcedon at Constantinople, as the accession of Theodosius had restored Nicaea. O.L.F.—3

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Monophysite exiles gathered at Alexandria, where the national patriarch was not interfered with for some twenty years more. Among them was the leading theologian of the party, Severus of Antioch, patriarch of that great see since 512. Factions developed among exiles, as often happens in such situations, and in this case took a theological form. Severus hated Chalcedon with a perfect hatred, and strongly repudiated the formula, "In two natures," but still insisted that in the one nature of Christ there is manhood consubstantial with ours just as there is deity consubstantial with the Father. This seems to be the faith of Leo, but with a different emphasis, and a confusing usage of physis as something more like hypostasis than ousia. Another exile, Julian of Halicarnassus, taught, it would seem more logically, that the one nature of Christ was not in itself capable of suffering and decay, as alien to the Godhead, though the cross and other moments of suffering were accepted for our sake. In particular, the body of Christ was not only preserved from corruption by the resurrection, but was in fact incorruptible. This point of discussion seems to have taken its departure from Athanasius' rather ambiguous references to this particular question.21 Recondite though it seems to be, it is in fact the watershed between those for whom the Monophysite doctrine meant indeed a loss of human qualities by absorption into the Godhead, a more delicate form of Apollinarianism, and those who basically agreed with what Chalcedon was trying to say. Cyril had at least tended in the former direction, as when he wrote, for instance, of the tears of Jesus at Lazarus' tomb: "He permitted his own flesh to weep a little, although it was in its nature tearless and incapable of any grief." 22 The followers of Severus were known to their opponents as "worshipers of the corruptible," Phthartolatrae, and Julian's in turn as Phantasiasts or Aphthartodocetae, "supporters of the incorruptible and imaginary" humanity of Christ. Under these strange terms there lies the crucial question, Was Christ a real man? On the other side many supporters of Chalcedon found it desirable to introduce into their system some ideas which the Monophysite emphasis on unity preserved, and which Leo's stress on the distinction of natures might obscure. As the 21 On the Incarnation, 21-23, 26; cf. J. Lebon, "Une ancienne opinion sur la condition du corps du Christ dans la mort," Revue d'histoire ecclisiastique, Vol. 23, 1927, pp. 5-43. 22 Commentary on John, vii (on J o h n 1 1 : 33-37).

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theologian Leontius of Byzantium pointed out, the union of God and man is, in Origen's old metaphor, like the union of iron (or wood) and fire (Document X). Christ's whole personality finds its center in God, and the neat division of his actions between the divine and human must not obscure this. Others even more daringly accepted the conclusion of some Monophysites that, in the sufferings of Christ, God himself suffered, in his flesh, with and for us. So out of the tradition of Greek philosophical theology itself comes a repudiation of the philosophical assumption of the utterly impassible deity. Others even anticipated some modern Christology in teaching that God in Christ must somehow have shared our human experience of limited knowledge; but these "ignorantists," Agnoetae, were in their own time generally repudiated by all sides—the age was not accustomed to think in such historical terms. Though the efforts at conciliation of parties failed, there was thus more exchange of ideas than is generally supposed. The emperor Justinian's efforts at political conciliation reached their climax in the condemnation of the so-called "Three Chapters"—the teachings of Theodore of Mopsuestia, thus posthumously branded as a heretic—and certain writings of Theodoret and Ibas, Antiochenes who had been cleared at the Council of Chalcedon. Politically the maneuver failed, in spite of the general acceptance of Justinian's demands by the Second Council of Constantinople (Fifth Ecumenical) in 553. But though no Monophysite persons were restored to the Church by this gesture, it did secure the acceptance into the orthodox tradition of a number of ideas and phrases dear to members of that party (Document XI), and was thus a more significant moment in the history of doctrine than is commonly supposed. With more good will and less politics in the background, such a confluence of Chalcedonian and Monophysite traditions might have been the basis of a general reconciliation. But under the conditions of the age such was not to be. The last imperial effort of this sort was sponsored by Heraclius after he recovered the Oriental provinces from the Persians in 622-628. The formula now proposed, which won some apparent success—"a watery union," as a later historian calls it23—was that whatever we may say of natures, certainly God and man are united in Christ in one common energy or operation, or, in another form of this heresy, in one single will. Politics and theology were again deeply intertwined, and the Monothelete 23

Theophanes, Ckronographia, 6121.

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controversy lingered on for some time after its political cause was removed by the Moslem conquest of the Orient. It has its own complexities, perhaps all the more because no great mind was brought to bear on it, apart from the heroic defender of orthodoxy, Maximus the Confessor, the monk of Carthage who died in exile in the Crimea, so far did the imperial power still extend. He is a neglected writer now receiving more attention, but his main interests were not in this particular field. Indeed there is a certain weariness about the whole controversy, and the proceedings of the Third Council of Constantinople (Sixth Ecumenical) which brought it to an end in 681 are correct, but unenthusiastic. Yet the doctrine proclaimed by the Council of 681 is of considerable importance. There are two genuine wills in Christ—not, as this is sometimes understood, in the sense of a split human personality, but in that of the fullness of the humanity as well as the deity of the Son of God (Document XII). When, in the key text of this controversy, Jesus said, "Not my will, but thine be done" (Luke 22:42), he was really saying something. 24 With the decisions of this Council the great debate of five centuries was at last ended, and the structure of classical Christology was complete. VII Complex and technical as parts of this historic discussion are, it is sometimes obviously close to the heart of Biblical and practical Christianity, and never entirely removed from it— although, then as now, nontheological considerations were always present and often predominant in local and personal divisions. Somewhat less technically, the main principles of conciliar Christology may be put in a few brief statements. The first is the affirmation of Nicaea against Arianism, that it is God himself who is at work in Christ, and not some lesser being called honorifically the Son of God. With this goes the Trinitarian formula, that Son and Spirit are, as such, distinct from the Father, and yet in each we see equally the one eternal Deity— or, to put this in other words, the New Testament Christian meets God as Father, Son, and Spirit, yet knowing that these three are one, and in this experience he is not deceived. Moving in Biblical terms, for all their philosophical language, the 24

Cf. on this Gregory Nazianzen (Theological Orations, iv, 12, p. 185), who asserts the distinction of wills by nature, but denies any difference in content.

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Cappadocian Fathers proceeded from the three to the one, first asserting the Godhead of Son and Spirit and then the corollary of the union of the three. It was left for somewhat later Latins to move in the reverse direction, more logical but less concrete. So Augustine's De Trinitate builds up the threefoldness of God on the basis of his unity, and a somewhat later statement, the psalm Quicunque, commonly miscalled the Athanasian Creed, rings the changes on the equality of the three persons and their unity in the one substance—"For there is one Person of the Father, another of the Son, and another of the Holy Ghost: But the Godhead of the Father, of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost, is all one; the glory coequal, the majesty coeternal." 25 A second pair of propositions are concerned with the relation of God and man in Christ. As Origen long ago put it, he is true God and true man; and so the Church rejected, whenever the question was raised, any suggestion that his manhood was incomplete, something being left out, as it were, to make room for deity. We are likely to think of the presence of God in Christ as the highest and unique form of God's presence in man, known to all his saints; and would say that in him as in us this is an addition to and a perfection of manhood, not something secured by a subtraction from it. More boldly, the Fathers thought of the incarnation in the reverse and logical order, as God's assumption of humanity, and asserted that it was a complete humanity that was assumed. Here the balancing proposition comes in, that God and Man are one Christ—this was not a man, once existing otherwise, on whom the Spirit came, but one whose whole life was lived from the beginning in personal union with God, and whose truly human experiences are in some way the experiences of God the Word. In other terms, here too a simple Biblical experience is asserted to be justified by ultimate reality—we have known Christ as our brother and worship him as our Lord, and yet know that he is one and not two. The purpose of this introduction is historical and not strictly theological or apologetic, but one cannot forget that the questions faced by the Councils are still with us, in dogma, theology, and practical religion. The purpose of dogmatic definition is properly a strictly limited one. It aims on the one hand to keep the way open for faith, and on the other to provide both the right kind of encouragement and the right 25 As translated in the (English) Book of Common Prayer.

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kind of discouragement for speculation. Each of the great definitions has a certain air of paradox; the profession of a simple answer to all questions is indeed one of the best indications of a heresy. Chalcedon is an outstanding instance, since the Chalcedonian Decree states the apparently opposing truths of Christian faith in Christ and asserts their harmony without attempting to show the manner of that harmony.26 It marks the beginning rather than the end of sound speculation on the subject, while indicating (as Nicaea did on the broader question) the lines within which Christian speculation should proceed. So after the series of Councils comes the formal summary of their teaching in the work of John of Damascus, and after that in turn, with new philosophical presuppositions, the work of Thomas Aquinas and the other scholastics, and further revival and development of Christological studies down to our own day. It may be that this is always a dangerous process, that the Middle Age tended to be Apollinarian and our modern historical studies have given us a tendency towards Nestorianism; the unity of God and man in Christ may be the commonly neglected side of Christology just now. The old truths must always be newly stated—even merely to repeat the old formulas involves some change in their meaning, as the details of their terms ("perfect man," for instance) have different senses for different ages. But in our life in Christ we should not depart from the ancient facts of the faith, which Fathers and Councils endeavored to state and understand—our knowledge of God as Maker, Redeemer, and Sanctifier, and these three all one Deity—and our conviction that in Jesus our brother the eternal Truth speaks. 26 "The formula did exactly what an authoritative formula ought to do: it stated the fact" (William Temple, Christ the Truth, London and New York, 1924 p. 159 n).

GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY Outstanding general works in this field are those of A. von Harnack, A History of Dogma (English trans, from 3d German edition, 7 vols., London, 1894-1899; 4th edition of Lehrbuch der Dogmengeschichte, 3 vols., Berlin, 1908-1909), a basic and classical work, even though the modern student is likely to differ from Harnack in detail, and may consider that his categories and judgments are too easily assumed; J. Tixeront, History of Dogmas (English trans., 3 vols., St. Louis, 1910-1916); and A. C. McGiffert, A History of Christian Thought, Vol. I, Early and Eastern, Charles Scribner's Sons, 1932. J. N. D. Kelly, Early Christian Creeds, Longmans, Green & Company, Inc., 1950, covers much of the history of ideas as well as of their formal statement. One of the most brilliant of many efforts at a brief summary is that of William Temple in Christ the Truth, London, 1924, Ch. VIII. Among special studies relating to the period mainly represented in this volume are Charles E. Raven, Apollinarianism, An Essay on the Christology of the Early Church, Cambridge, 1923; R. V. Sellers, Two Ancient Christologies, A Study in the Christological Thought of the Schools of Alexandria and Antioch, London,

S.P.C.K. (for the Church Historical Society), 1940; and Nestorius, The Bazaar of Heracleides, edited and translated by

G. R. Driver and Leonard Hodgson, Oxford, 1925. In the Bazaar, so called by a confusion of Syriac translators (who probably rendered the Greek pragmateia literally, "business," instead of figuratively, "discussion" or "treatise"), one of the condemned theologians speaks for himself. An orthodox thinker often little appreciated in modern times is expounded in Herbert M. Relton, A Study in Christology, London, 1917, which 39

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follows a general survey with a discussion of the unity of the two natures of Christ along lines suggested by Leontius of Byzantium. Many of the original works of the Fathers still await scientific editing; happily the Acts of the Councils of Ephesus and Chalcedon are available in Eduard Schwartz, Ada conciliorum oecumenicorum, Berlin, 1922-

, and the more

official dogmatic statements are conveniently gathered in T. H. Bindley, The Oecumenical Documents of the Faith, 4th ed.,

ed. F. W. Green, Methuen & Co., Ltd., London, 1950. The proceedings of Chalcedon and the discussion before and after the Council are treated in detail in R. V. Sellers, The Council of Chalcedon, A Historical and Doctrinal Survey, S.P.C.K., London,

ATHANASIUS

Introduction to Athanasius BACKGROUND AND IDEAS

F

OR FORTY-FIVE

YEARS BISHOP OF ALEXANDRIA,

for fifty a central figure in the exposition and defense of orthodox theology, Athanasius is one of the dominating personalities in the history of the Church. Yet practically all his writings were produced in response to some immediate need, or as a blow for the faith in one of the crises of his long struggle with successive emperors. Even the Life of Antony, the preparation of which seems to have been a kind of recreation in his laborious days, serves the immediately practical purpose of depicting the pattern of life of the loyal and orthodox hermit. The writings that we think of as historical are in fact personal defenses. The Defense Against the Arians is Athanasius' vindication against the personal charges that had been the pretext for his first and second exiles under Constantine and Constantius (335-337 and 339-346). The third exile, which followed when Constantius finally had a free hand in ecclesiastical as well as civil affairs (356-361), is the occasion of the Defense to Constantius, Defense of His Flight, and History of the Arians. Shortly before this exile came the defense of Nicaea and its Creed in the treatise On the Decrees, and during it the attack on rival creeds and councils in the treatise On the Synods, and the more formally theological but still basically occasional Orations Against the Arians. The last exiles under Julian and Valens were pinpricks in comparison with what the old warrior had gone through, but by this time he was an old warrior. His final contributions to the clarification of orthodox thought were made in slighter though important documents such as the synodal Tome to the Antiochenes and the theological letters addressed to Serapion and Epictetus. In these writings 43

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Athanasius gave his blessing to newer and more balanced formulas, the detailed exposition of which he left to others, such as his own assistant in the School at Alexandria, Didymus the Blind, and the rising Cappadocian group of theologians. Only in the masterly two-volume work of his youth do we see Athanasius expressing himself apart from the attacks of heretics and politicians. What Jerome describes as Adversus gentes libri duo 1 are commonly treated as two separated though related works: Against the Heathen and On the Incarnation of the Word. As the references to current conditions in the latter show, they date from 316-318: persecution is ended, but still vividly remembered (28, 29; 48); the Arian heresy has not yet arisen to trouble the Church, although there is a hint at the schisms that were an aftermath of the Great Persecution (24). Most significant perhaps, and mournful reading for Christians of all later generations, are the passages where as in a continuous song of triumph Athanasius proclaims the visible victory of the cross, which is now bringing, not only holiness to individuals and destruction to idols, but peace to the world (51—55). From these works, says Athanasius, we may see the power of the Redeemer as from the harmony of the universe we see the wisdom of the Creator. Such assurance was possible only in the few years of confidence that followed the victory of Constantine. Later generations of believers can only sadly reflect that, though knowing in many ways the power of the same Lord, "we see not yet all things put under him" (Heb. 2:8). The combination of the enthusiasm of a youthful mind with the wisdom of a great one has given the treatise On the Incarnation its place among those Christian classics which are read not only as documents in the history of Christian thought but as treatments of the subjects with which they deal. Historically it stands at the meeting point between the work of the Apologists and that of the theologians of the age of the councils. In Against the Heathen, Athanasius attacks, as Jews and Christians at Alexandria had for centuries, the absurdity of popular paganism, and defends on rational grounds the principle that a unified and orderly universe is the work of one Creator, who rules it by his Logos (Word, or Reason). The universe continues to move as the Word, conductor of the universal chorus, directs, but man has abused his privilege of freedom by turning away to his own irrational courses. The second treatise takes up the argument at this point, and shows 1 De viris illustribus, 87.

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how the Word through whom we were made is also the Redeemer by whom we are reclaimed. This is a threefold action: the life-giving power of the Word heals our illness of soul as well as of body, his teaching by word and deed restores to us the true knowledge of God, and his sacrifice pays the debt of justice which man could never pay (7, 19, 20). Indeed, nothing less can be said than that he became man so that we might become divine (54). Like all Apologies, On the Incarnation is not so much an exercise in speculative reasoning as an appeal for personal decision. Macarius—and I think the person addressed at the beginning of each treatise is the prospective reader, whoever he may be, and not a particular person—is not treated as a neutral student, but as one drawn to the faith, yet needing to have his decision for it encouraged by assurance of its rationality and presentation of its power. At the end he is told that there is indeed more to learn, which he can find by reading the Scriptures and by associating with the saints—or, in other words, in the fellowship of the Church, although the secrecy made customary in the days of persecution prevents Athanasius from saying this in so many words. It is typically Alexandrian that he thinks of the Church as a successful rival of the schools of the philosophers (50), and speaks of the prophets as having been a school of the knowledge of God for the world (12). Macarius may be considered as a specimen of the kind of prospective convert with whom the Alexandrian Church was accustomed to deal, an educated pagan prepared to become an intelligent Christian. Not that Athanasius was unaware of the appeal of Christianity to the common man and the significance of the gospel preached to the poor and to what a Greek would call barbarous nations (29, 30, 50, 51), but he is at the moment writing immediately for the educated and even sophisticated world of Alexandria. He was probably already in touch with the Coptic monk Antony, whose life he was later to write —at least no later period can be found for the extensive contacts claimed in the preface to the Life of Antony. It was only, however, after the duties of his episcopate took him into all parts of Egypt that Athanasius developed fully his sympathies with the simple Coptic as well as with the more sophisticated Greek Christian.2 An important point of contact was the common ground between the Greek philosophical ascetic, such as 2

Cf. the visitations listed in Fetasl Index, 2-6 (Post-Nicene Fathers, Vol. IV, P- 5°3)-

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Origen had been, and the straightforward Egyptian devotee. In On the Incarnation Athanasius points to the new virtue of voluntary continence as a sign of the triumph of the Word (51), and at his election to the episcopate in 328 he was himself to be hailed as "one of the ascetics." 3 To some extent the treatise On the Incarnation is an educational exercise—Athanasius' B.D. thesis, so to speak—a brilliant restatement of what he had learned from martyr teachers (56) such as the bishop Peter who had passed from the teacher's chair to the bishop's seat, guided the Church of Alexandria through the persecution of Diocletian, and died himself as one of its last victims in 311. Here is the prospectus, as it were, of the young graduate who was now about to embark on his career as a Christian teacher himself. In an interesting way its illustrations reflect the interests of a young man whose native town was Alexandria, the cosmopolitan city which was also the capital of Greco-Roman Egypt. The world-city, the great cosmopolis, is a familiar figure of late Greek philosophy—• Marcus Aurelius' "dear city of Zeus." 4 But Athanasius' use of the figure does seem to take on a special coloring from the scenes of his own city—the Word governs the universe like the conductor of a chorus, or a royal founder supervising the public and private life of a great town (Against the Heathen 43). Alas, the world-city has rebelled and nothing less than a personal visit from the true prince will be enough to bring it back to its true allegiance (On the Incarnation 10, 55). Athanasius must often have heard in his childhood of the rebellion of a Roman official who had been set up as a rival emperor about the time of his birth. In 297-298, Diocletian had come in person to reconquer the city, destroying it in part. So also, but in grace more than in vengeance, the Word of God has come to his own, bringing to nought the usurpation of the wicked spirits who have set themselves up as gods (55). GrecoRoman Egypt was used to the solemn visits of high officials to inspect the administration and render judicial decisions; such associations lie behind the use of parousia and epidemia for the solemn visit of the Word to his own (13, 27). Or again, the Original has appeared so that the defaced portrait may be restored; the figure in Athanasius' mind is evidently the portrait on wood, such as Greco-Egyptians attached to their mummies of their dead, as we may see in our museums today (14). 3

Defense Against the Arians, 6.

* Meditations, IV, 23; cf. Philo, De opificio mundi, 17-20, 241

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Intellectually Athanasius was certainly a Greek of Alexandria rather than an Egyptian—though he had enough Egyptian feeling to thrill at the thought that the infant Saviour had been brought into his own land and, as legend evidently already told, the idols of Egypt had fallen before him (36, 37). The philosophical ideas which he easily takes as common ground are those of eclectic Greek thought, partly Stoic, partly Platonic —the unity of the universe and the presence of an Orderer behind its order, whose status and relation to the world is the point of difference between the schools. On the doctrine of the Creator, Jew and Christian at Alexandria agreed. They could even go farther together, asserting the fact of a fall from the divine plan into idolatry and wickedness and the need of divine redemption. Here Athanasius was following a tradition of theistic apologetic which goes back to such Hellenistic Jewish works as the Wisdom of Solomon, which he was accustomed to read for edification, along with Scripture.5 Against their pagan surroundings Jews and Christians at Alexandria were still in many ways sects of one religion. Athanasius' arguments against Judaism have a practical as well as historical character, and deal with texts in a manner that Christian teachers inherited from their rabbinical predecessors. Few Christian Apologists would now proceed in quite the same manner. But this section of On the Incarnation ought not to be skipped by the student, since the Old Testament is an important part of Athanasius' thought and devotion. Nor can the Christian ever forget safely this part of the claims of Christ, that in him we see the glory of Israel as well as the light of the Gentiles. As the treatise On the Incarnation comes to terms with the Jewish and pagan background of Christianity, so it also lays down lines for the future development of Christian thought. This is all the more true because it is an apologetic and missionary appeal and not a systematic treatise on theology. It concentrates on its theme, the redemption of the world by the incarnate Word, to the exclusion of much else in which Athanasius certainly believed. There is nothing about the Spirit; nothing except incidentally about the Church; nothing about the life of prayer and sacrament which was certainly for Athanasius the means by which the new life brought to the world by Christ was shared by the individual Christian. Some of these things were omitted because Macarius could not be told them until he received his final instruction as a Christian 5

Festal Epistles, 39.

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neophyte; some because they were not in place in this particular book. As Athanasius does not expound the whole faith, even less does he engage in speculation for its own sake, though he touches in passing on a number of matters of interest to theological experts. Man's original state, apparently, was one of natural perfection as the near image of God to which, had he not fallen, the gift of immortality would easily have been added—as in the book of Wisdom, it is by the envy of the devil that death came into the world (3-6; Wisdom 2:23, 24). We are not told how the old deceiver fell into his deception; he is not worth so much attention. The coming of the Word is a victory over the usurper and his angels. As part of it the Word, being man, pays for man and as man the sacrifice which fallen man could never pay, but there is no special statement as to why this is necessary. It is certainly not a price paid to the devil—probably a reparation due in justice to God (7, 20). But for Athanasius, cross and resurrection go together (as in his Church calendar there was probably no Good Friday apart from Easter), and the chief meaning of the cross is that there "the powers of death have done their worst" and have been defeated. So the cross is above all the trophy of victory, that victory which is first Christ's and then also ours as we live in him. As his own Christian name indicated, he was brought up in circles for which the gift of immortality was a main interest in religion—Athanasios, the man of immortality. For man this will be more than a restoration to the incorruption (moral and metaphysical) and immortality for which man was created; it is a state so high that in union with the divine Word we are indeed in some sense divine (54; cf. II Peter 1:4). As to what happens to those who do not enter the realm of redemption, Athanasius sees no need to be explicit. Sin and corruption is the loss of true being, and there seems to be a hint that its final terminus will be the complete loss of being, but the end of evil like its origin is not discussed in detail (6). Athanasius would probably have agreed with the definition of our modern conferences that take the confession of Christ as God and Saviour as a convenient statement of the heart of the gospel—especially if we remember that Soter in Greek means healer and life giver. He was also aware that much else was implied in this confession or required by it; in this sense On the Incarnation is the point of" departure of later patristic thought. The Arians in their blatant early statements shortly

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challenged its central convictions by asserting that the Word was not God but only the greatest of God's creatures. It was, as it were, a viceroy and not the King who had come to earth after all. Against this reversion to the idea of great and lesser deities Athanasius stood, sometimes bitterly, always bravely, for the rest of his life. This is the central proclamation of the Nicene Creed, that one who was of the same stuff as God the Father became man for our salvation. In On the Incarnation and the early Nicene controversy Athanasius stood for the true deity of the divinity of Christ. In his later writings he develops the balancing truth, always present in his thought though in On the Incarnation not clearly denned, of the true humanity of his manhood. Around these terms the further discussion proceeded until the Church had clarified its faith in one Christ, perfect God and perfect Man. T E X T , S T R U C T U R E , AND

TRANSLATION

The preservation and study of the writings of Athanasius is itself a long and not uninteresting story. The very success of his ideas led to their incorporation in more systematic works than he had himself produced, and for some centuries after his death his works seem to have been preserved mainly for the light that some of his phrases threw on matters currently in dispute. Two collections, of apologetic-historical and doctrinal treatises, seem to be the basis of the various selections found in Greek manuscripts. On the Incarnation falls into the latter class, and sometimes also appears separately in collections of miscellaneous edifying matter. The ideas of Athanasius entered into the general stock of Western theology, and one of his central thoughts inspired one of the loveliest of old Latin prayers: "O God who didst wonderfully create and yet more wonderfully renew the dignity of human nature, grant that (by this mystery of water and wine) we may be partakers of his divinity who vouchsafed to share our humanity, Jesus Christ thy Son our Lord." 6 But there was little interest in his writings until the Renaissance. On the Incarnation was translated into Latin in the fifteenth century and printed with some other works at Vicenza in 1482. The Greek was first printed by Commelin at Heidelberg in « Leonine Sacramentary, Christmas (and at the blessing of the water in the Roman Mass).

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1600 in an edition for which the manuscripts were studied, rather confusingly, by Felckmann. In 1698 appeared the edition by the great French Benedictine scholar Montfaucon, which marks the beginning of modern scientific study of both life and works of Athanasius. The Benedictine text is still the latest critical edition of On the Incarnation, since the Berlin edition by Opitz begun in 1935 has not reached this work. In the nineteenth century the great importance of the writings of Athanasius for both general Church history and the history of Christian thought was increasingly recognized, and, then and since, new discoveries of documents have clarified our knowledge of his career. The prominent place given to On the Incarnation in the Honours School of Theology at Oxford since 1870 has been both a result and a cause of further study. The first English translation appeared in 1880. Robertson, who edited the volume of Athanasius in the Post-Nicene Fathers, also published two editions of the text of On the Incarnation; the first (1882) followed the Benedictine edition, while in the second (1893) he decided instead to follow a single outstanding manuscript, S (Codex Seguerianus). The same text has been used by Cross (1936), and as the basis of the textual studies of Ryan and Casey (1945-1946). At present the increasing knowledge of manuscripts seems rather to postpone than to bring nearer the day when a definitive edition can be produced. However, these uncertainties of text do not affect the general sense of On the Incarnation. But in 1925, Professor Lebon of Louvain identified a "Short Recension" of the work, of which several manuscripts are now known. Apart from a number of slight variations it has several interesting substitutions, usually definitely shorter than the passages they replace. Though all possible views of the relation of the two recensions seem to have been suggested, comparison seems to show that the Short Recension is intelligible as a revision of the Long Recension and not vice versa, and that it comes from the later years of Athanasius, or at least from his circle.7 The principal alterations are indicated in the notes below; they seem generally to replace the more speculative interpretations by a more theological interest, and show Athanasius (or his editor) a little J Some of its special readings may reflect an Apollinarian edition of On the Incarnation, e.g., the addition at the end of Gh. 26: "When this took place there was no doubt that he who worked in the body and dwelt there was not man but God's Word. Faith in such demonstrations is not obscure but confident."

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more careful and less exuberant. Both texts are probably Athanasian, but the first thoughts of the Long Recension are still the primary text. The translation here reprinted is that of Robertson, 1885, as in the Library of Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, Vol. IV. However, the use of capitals has been reduced, the editor's chapter summaries are omitted, and the spelling of proper names is regularized, with Biblical names in their usual English forms. The chapter divisions (which apparently go back to Montfaucon) are retained for convenience, but the deceptive division into verses is not. As Athanasius wrote it, On the Incarnation was one continuous discourse, in which, however, he fairly clearly indicated the main divisions, approximately as follows: I Prologue (1-3) II The Coming of the Word (4-19) III The Victory of the Cross (20-32) IV Reply to Criticisms of: A. Jews (33-40) B. Greeks (41-54) V Epilogue (55-57) From a literary point of view this is crossed by another arrangement: the Prologue summarizes the discussion of Against the Heathen and leads naturally into the exposition of "II," based on general considerations; the sections I have listed as "III" and "IV. A." are primarily Biblical in their references, "IV. B." is again more general, and its closing sections, though formally a refutation of opponents, become more and more a paean of victory for Christ, picking up what was begun in "III," and leading into the quieter conclusion which directs the reader to prepare himself for further instruction. In an age in which literature was still thought of basically as prepared for oral presentation such an interlocking arrangement was more natural than the sharper divisions that we should expect in a written document.

BIBLIOGRAPHY EDITIONS

Complete Editions of Athanasius: Commelin, Heidelberg, 1600 (De incarnatione, Vol. I, pp. 37-81). Montfaucon, Paris, 1698, reprinted in Migne, Patrologia Graeca, Vols. XXV-XXVIII. Paris, 1857. (De incarnatione, Vol. XXV, cols. 95-198.) Separate: Archibald Robertson, St. Athanasius on the Incarnation. London, 1882. 2d ed., 1893 (reprinted in Ryan and Casey, The De incarnatione, Part II, pp. 1-86). Frank L. Gross, Athanasius De incarnatione, an Edition of the Greek Text (Texts for Students, 39). London, S.P.G.K., 1939. TRANSLATIONS

English: A. Robertson, 1885, and in Select Library of Nicene and PostNicene Fathers, Series II, Vol. IV, London, 1892, pp. 31-67. (An excellent version, here reprinted; the general "Prolegomena," pp. xi—xci, remain one of the best introductions to Athanasius.) T. H. Bindley, Athanasius on the Incarnation (Christian Classics Series III). London, n.d. (but between 1885 and 1890, as noted by Robertson, p. 34). (A good, unpretentious version, unfortunately rare.) Anon., The Incarnation of the Word of God, Being the Treatise of St. Athanasius De incarnatione verbi Dei, newly translated into English by a Religious of C.S.M.V., with an Introduction by C. S. Lewis. London, Geoffrey Bles (New York, Macmillan), 1944. (An attractive modern version, but with a considerable amount of unnoted paraphrase and abridgment.) 52

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Funch: Th. Camelot, O.P., Athanase d'Alexandrie contre les patens et sur I'incarnation du verbe (Sources chretiennes 18). Paris, Editions du Cerf, 1946 (with a valuable introduction, pp. 7-106). German: J. Fisch, Ausgewdhlte Schriften des heiligen Athanasius, Vol. I

(Bibliothek der Kirchenvater, Vol. 15). Kempten, 1872 ("Ueber die Menschwerdung," pp. 117-195). J . Stegmann in Des heiligen Athanasius ausgewdhlte Schriften

(Bibliothek der Kirchenvater, new series, Vol. 31). Kempten, 1917 ("Ueber die Menschwerdung," pp. 602-676). SPECIAL STUDIES

Frank L. Cross, The Study of St. Athanasius, an Inaugural Lecture Delivered Before the University of Oxford on 1 December, 1944.

Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1945. (A masterly survey.) Karl Hoss, Studien tiber das Schrifttum und die Theologie des Athanasius auf Grund einer Echtheitsuntersuchung von Athanasius contra

gentes und de incarnatione. Freiburg, 1899. J. Lebon, "Pour une edition critique de Saint Athanase," Revue d'histoire ecclesiastique, Vol. 21, 1925, pp. 324-330. H. G. Opitz, Untersuchungen zur Vberlieferung der Schriften des Athanasius (Arbeiten zur Kirchengeschichte, 23). Berlin and

Leipzig, de Gruyter, 1935. George J. Ryan and Robert Pierce Casey, The De incarnatione of Athanasius (Studies and Documents, XIV): Part I, G. J. Ryan, "The Long Recension Manuscripts"; Part II, R. P. Casey, "The Short Recension." Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1945-1946. GENERAL

The life and ideas of Athanasius are treated in all works on Church history, history of doctrine, and Egyptian history covering the period; see General Bibliography. Two classic accounts always worth consulting are: Gregory Nazianzen, Oration XXI, "On the Great Athanasius," delivered at Constantinople in 379 or 380 (translation in Post-Nicene Fathers, Series II, Vol. VII, pp. 269-280. London, 1894). A. P. Stanley, Lectures on the History of the Eastern Church, Lecture

VII. London, 1861.

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On Egypt and Its Church in This Period:

H. I. Bell, Jews and Christians in Egypt, London, 1924 (side lights on Church history in papyri from monasteries). E. R. Hardy, Christian Egypt: Church and People, Ch. 2, "The Two Worlds of Athanasius." New York, Oxford University Press, 1952. J. G. Milne, A History of Egypt Under Roman Rule, 3d ed. London, 1924.

On the Incarnation of the Word THE TEXT PROLOGUE

I. Whereas in what precedes we have drawn out—choosing a few points from among many—a sufficient account of the error of the heathen concerning idols, and of the worship of idols, and how they originally came to be invented; how, namely, out of wickedness men devised for themselves the worshiping of idols; and whereas we have by God's grace noted somewhat also of the divinity of the Word of the Father, and of his universal providence and power, and that the good Father through him orders all things, and all things are moved by him, and in him are quickened, come now, Macarius 1 (worthy of that name), and true lover of Christ, let us follow up the faith of our religion, and set forth also what relates to the Word's becoming man, and to his divine appearing amongst us, which Jews traduce and Greeks laugh to scorn, but we worship; in order that, all the more for the seeming low estate of the Word, your piety toward him may be increased and multiplied. For the more he is mocked among the unbelieving, the more witness does he give of his own Godhead; inasmuch as he not only himself demonstrates as possible what men mistake, thinking impossible, but what men deride as unseemly, this by his own goodness he clothes with seemliness, and what men, in their conceit of wisdom, laugh at as merely human, he by his own power demonstrates to be divine, subduing the pretensions of idols by his supposed humiliation—by the cross —and those who mock and disbelieve invisibly winning over to recognize his divinity and power. But to treat this subject it 1 Macarius, "blessed"; probably not a particular person, although the name is, somewhat later, not uncommon among Egyptian Christians, but the "gentle reader"; perhaps suggested by Luke's Theophilus. 55

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is necessary to recall what has been previously said; in order that you may neither fail to know the cause of the bodily appearing of the Word of the Father, so high and so great, nor think it a consequence of his own nature that the Saviour has worn a body; but that being incorporeal by nature, and Word from the beginning, he has yet of the loving-kindness and goodness of his own Father been manifested to us in a human body for our salvation. It is, then, proper for us to begin the treatment of this subject by speaking of the creation of the universe, and of God its Artificer, that so it may be duly perceived that the renewal of creation has been the work of the selfsame Word that made it at the beginning. For it will appear not inconsonant for the Father to have wrought its salvation in him by whose means he made it. 2. Of the making of the universe and the creation of all things many have taken different views, and each man has laid down the law just as he pleased. For some say that all things have come into being of themselves, and in a chance fashion; as, for example, the Epicureans, who tell us, in their self-contempt, that universal providence does not exist, speaking right in the face of obvious fact and experience. For if, as they say, everything has had its beginning of itself, and independently of purpose, it would follow that everything had come into mere being so as to be alike and not distinct. For it would follow in virtue of the unity of body that everything must be sun or moon, and in the case of men it would follow that the whole must be hand, or eye, or foot. But as it is this is not so. On the contrary, we see a distinction of sun, moon, and earth; and again, in the case of human bodies, of foot, hand, and head. Now, such separate arrangement as this tells us not of their having come into being of themselves, but shows that a cause preceded them; from which cause it is possible to apprehend God also as the maker and orderer of all. But others, including Plato, who is in such repute among the Greeks, argue that God has made the world out of matter previously existing and without beginning. For God could have made nothing had not the material existed already; just as the wood must exist ready at hand for the carpenter, to enable him to work at all. But in so saying they know not that they are investing God with weakness. For if he is not himself the cause of the material, but makes things only of previously existing material, he proves to be weak, because unable to produce anything he makes without the material; just as it is without doubt a weakness of the

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carpenter not to be able to make anything required without his timber. For, ex hypothesi, had not the material existed, God would not have made anything. And how could he in that case be called maker and artificer, if he owes his ability to make to some other source—namely, to the material? So that if this be so, God will be on their theory a mechanic only, and not a creator out of nothing; if, that is, he works at existing material, but is not himself the cause of the material. For he could not in any sense be called creator unless he is creator of the material of which the things created have in their turn been made. But the sectaries imagine to themselves a different artificer of all things, other than the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, in deep blindness even as to the words they use. For whereas the Lord says to the Jews, "Have ye not read that from the beginning he which created them made them male and female, and said, For this cause shall a man leave his father and mother, and shall cleave to his wife, and they twain shall become one flesh?" and then, referring to the Creator, says, "What, therefore, God hath joined together let not man put asunder" 2: how come these men to assert that the creation is independent of the Father? Or if, in the words of John, who says, making no exception, "All things were made by him," and "Without him was not anything made," 3 how could the artificer be another, distinct from the Father of Christ? 3. Thus do they vainly speculate. But the godly teaching and the faith according to Christ brands their foolish language as godlessness. For it knows that it was not spontaneously, because forethought is not absent; nor of existing matter, because God is not weak; but that out of nothing, and without its having any previous existence, God made the universe to exist through his word, as he says firstly through Moses: "In the beginning God created the heaven and the earth" 4 ; secondly, in the most edifying book of the Shepherd, "First of all believe that God is one, which created and framed all things, and made them to exist out of nothing." 5 To which also Paul refers when he says, "By faith we understand that the worlds have been framed by the Word of God, so that what is seen hath not been made out of things which do appear." 6 4 25 Matt. 19:4-6. 3 John 1:3. Gen. 1:1. Shepherd of Hernias, Mandate 1; Athanasius was accustomed to list the Shepherd, along with the O.T. Apocrypha and the Didache, not as part of the Bible, but as a book read for instruction with it (Festal Epistles, 39). « Heb. 11 =3.

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For God is good, or rather is essentially the source of goodness, nor could one that is good be niggardly of anything; whence, grudging existence to none, he has made all things out of nothing by his own Word, Jesus Christ our Lord. And among these, having taken especial pity, above all things on earth, upon the race of men, and having perceived its inability, by virtue of the condition of its origin, to continue in one stay, he gave them a further gift, and he did not barely create man, as he did all the irrational creatures on the earth, but made them after his own image, giving them a portion even of the power of his own Word; so that having as it were a kind of reflection of the Word, and being made rational, they might be able to abide ever in blessedness, living the true life which belongs to the saints in paradise.7 But knowing once more how the will of man could sway to either side, in anticipation he secured the grace given them by a law and by the spot where he placed them. For he brought them into his own Garden, and gave them a law: so that, if they kept the grace and remained good, they might still keep the life in paradise without sorrow or pain or care, besides having the promise of incorruption in heaven; but that if they transgressed and turned back, and became evil, they might know that they were incurring that corruption in death which was theirs by nature, no longer to live in paradise, but cast out of it from that time forth to die and to abide in death and in corruption. Now this is that of which Holy Writ also gives warning, saying in the person of God: "Of every tree that is in the garden, eating thou shalt eat: but of the tree of knowledge of good and evil, ye shall not eat of it, but on the day that ye eat, dying ye shall die." 8 But by "dying ye shall die," what else could be meant than not dying merely, but also abiding ever in the corruption of death? THE COMING OF THE WORD

4. You are wondering, perhaps, for what possible reason, having proposed to speak of the incarnation of the Word, we are at present treating of the origin of mankind. But this too properly belongs to the aim of our treatise. For in speaking of the appearance of the Saviour amongst us, we must needs speak also of the origin of men, that you may know that the reason of 7

The familiar play between Logos and logikos; by sharing in the divine Word, or Reason, men become truly rational. « Gen. 2:16, 17.

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his coming down was because of us, and that our transgression called forth the loving-kindness of the Word, that the Lord should both make haste to help us and appear among men. For of his becoming incarnate we were the object, and for our salvation he dealt so lovingly as to appear and be born even in a human body. Thus, then, God has made man, and willed that he should abide in incorruption; but men, having despised and rejected the contemplation of God, and devised and contrived evil for themselves (as was said in the former treatise), received the condemnation of death with which they had been threatened; and from thenceforth no longer remained as they were made, but were being corrupted according to their devices; and death had the mastery over them as king. For transgression of the commandment was turning them back to their natural state, so that just as they have had their being out of nothing, so also, as might be expected, they might look for corruptioninto nothing in the course of time. For if, out of a former normal state of nonexistence, they were called into being by the presence and loving-kindness of the Word, it followed naturally that when men were bereft of the knowledge of God and were turned back to what was not (for what is evil is not, but what is good is), they should, since they derive their being from God who is, be everlastingly bereft even of being; in other words, that they should be disintegrated and abide in death and corruption. For man is by nature mortal, inasmuch as he is made out of what is not; but by reason of his likeness to Him that is (and if he still preserved this likeness by keeping him in his knowledge) he would stay his natural corruption, and remain incorrupt; as Wisdom says: "The taking heed to his laws is the assurance of immortality" 9; but being incorrupt, he would live henceforth as God, to which I suppose the divine Scripture refers, when it says: "I have said ye are gods; and ye are all sons of the Most High; but ye die like men, and fall as one of the princes." 10 5. For God has not only made us out of nothing; but he gave us freely, by the grace of the Word, a life in correspondence with God. But men, having rejected things eternal, and, by counsel of the devil, turned to the things of corruption, became the cause of their own corruption in death, being, as I said before, by nature corruptible, but destined, by the grace following 9

Wisdom 6:18 ("immortality," literally "incorruption"); cf. ch. 13:1, "him that is." 1° Ps. 82:6, 7.

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from partaking of the Word, to have escaped their natural state, had they remained good. For because of the Word dwelling with them, even their natural corruption did not come near them, as Wisdom also says: "God made man for incorruption, and as an image of his own eternity; but by envy of the devil death came into the world." n But when this was come to pass, men began to die, while corruption thenceforward prevailed against them, gaining even more than its natural power over the whole race, inasmuch as it had, owing to the transgression of the commandment, the threat of the Deity as a further advantage against them. For even in their misdeeds men had not stopped short at any set limits; but, gradually pressing forward, have passed on beyond all measure: having, to begin with, been inventors of wickedness and called down upon themselves death and corruption; while later on, having turned aside to wrong and exceeding all lawlessness, and stopping at no one evil but devising all manner of new evils in succession, they have become insatiable in sinning. For there were adulteries everywhere and thefts, and the whole earth was full of murders and plunderings. And as to corruption and wrong, no heed was paid to law, but all crimes were being practiced everywhere, both individually and jointly. Cities were at war with cities, and nations were rising up against nations; and the whole earth was rent with civil commotions and battles, each man vying with his fellows in lawless deeds. Nor were even crimes against nature far from them, but, as the apostle and witness of Christ says: "For their women changed the natural use into that which is against nature: and likewise also the men, leaving the natural use of the women, burned in their lust one toward another, men with men working unseemliness, and receiving in themselves that recompense of their error which was meet." 12 6. For this cause, then, death having gained upon men, and corruption abiding upon them, the race of man was perishing; the rational man made in God's image was disappearing, and the handiwork of God was in process of dissolution. For death, as I said above, gained from that time forth a legal hold over us, and it was impossible to evade the law, since it had been laid down by God because of the transgression, and the result was in truth at once monstrous and unseemly. For it were monstrous, firstly, that God, having spoken, should prove false —that, when once he had ordained that man, if he transgressed 11 Wisdom 2:23, 24.

12

Rom. 1:26, 27.

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the commandment, should die the death, after the transgression man should not die, but God's word should be broken. For God would not be true if, when he had said we should die, man died not. Again, it were unseemly that creatures once made rational, and having partaken of the Word, should go to ruin, and turn again toward nonexistence by the way of corruption. For it were not worthy of God's goodness that the things he had made should waste away, because of the deceit practiced on men by the devil. Especially it was unseemly to the last degree that God's handicraft among men should be done away, either because of their own carelessness, or because of the deceitfulness of evil spirits. So, as the rational creatures were wasting and such works in course of ruin, what was God in his goodness to do? Suffer corruption to prevail against them and death to hold them fast? And where were the profit of their having been made, to begin with? For better were they not made than, once made, left to neglect and ruin. For neglect reveals weakness, and not goodness on God's part—if, that is, he allows his own work to be ruined when once he had made it —more so than if he had never made man at all. For if he had not made them, none could impute weakness; but once he had made them, and created them out of nothing, it were most monstrous for the work to be ruined, and that before the eyes of the maker. It was, then, out of the question to leave men to the current of corruption; because this would be unseemly, and unworthy of God's goodness. 7. But just as this consequence must needs hold, so, too, on the other side the just claims of God lie against it: that God should appear true to the law he had laid down concerning death. For it were monstrous for God, the father of truth, to appear a liar for our profit and preservation. So here, once more, what possible course was God to take? To demand repentance of men for their transgression? For this one might pronounce worthy of God; as though, just as from transgression men have become set toward corruption, so from repentance they may once more be set in the way of incorruption. But repentance would, firstly, fail to guard the just claim of God. For he would still be none the more true, if men did not remain in the grasp of death; nor, secondly, does repentance call men back from what is their nature—it merely stays them from acts of sin. Now, if there were merely a misdemeanor in question, and not a consequent corruption, repentance were well enough. But if, when transgression had once gained a start, men became

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involved in that corruption which was their nature, and were deprived of the grace which they had, being in the image of God, what further step was needed? or what was required for such grace and such recall, but the Word of God, which had also at the beginning made everything out of nought? For his it was once more both to bring the corruptible to incorruption, and to maintain intact the just claim of the Father upon all. For being Word of the Father, and above all, he alone of natural fitness was both able to re-create everything, and worthy to suffer on behalf of all and to be ambassador for all with the Father. 8. For this purpose, then, the incorporeal and incorruptible and immaterial Word of God comes to our realm, howbeit he was not far from us before. For no part of creation is left void of him: he has filled all things everywhere, remaining present with his own Father. But he comes in condescension to show loving-kindness upon us, and to visit us. And seeing the race of rational creatures in the way to perish, and death reigning over them by corruption; seeing, too, that the threat against transgression gave a firm hold to the corruption which was upon us, and that it was monstrous that before the law was fulfilled it should fall through; seeing, once more, the unseemliness of what was come to pass: that the things whereof he himself was artificer were passing away; seeing, further, the exceeding wickedness of men, and how by little and little they had increased it to an intolerable pitch against themselves; and seeing, lastly, how all men were under penalty of death, he took pity on our race, and had mercy on our infirmity, and condescended to our corruption, and, unable to bear that death should have the mastery—lest the creature should perish, and his Father's handiwork in men be spent for nought—he takes unto himself a body, and that of no different sort from ours. For he did not simply will to become embodied, or will merely to appear. For if he willed merely to appear, he was able to effect his divine appearance by some other and higher means as well.!3 But he takes a body of our kind, and not merely so, but from a spotless and stainless virgin, knowing not a man, a body clean and in very truth pure from intercourse of men. For being himself mighty, and artificer of everything, he prepares the body in the virgin as a temple unto himself, and makes it his very own as an instrument, in it manifested, and in it 13 I.e., a mere appearance of the Word could as easily have been in more than human form.

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dwelling. And thus taking from our bodies one of like nature, because all were under penalty of the corruption of death he gave it over to death in the stead of all, and offered it to the Father—doing this, moreover, of his loving-kindness, to the end that, firstly, all being held to have died in him, the law involving the ruin of men might be undone (inasmuch as its power was fully spent in the Lord's body, and had no longer holding ground against men, his peers), and that, secondly, whereas men had turned toward corruption, he might turn them again toward incorruption, and quicken them from death by the appropriation of his body and by the grace of the resurrection, banishing death from them like straw from the fire. 9. For the Word, perceiving that not otherwise could the corruption of men be undone save by death as a necessary condition, while it was impossible for the Word to suffer death, being immortal, and Son of the Father; to this end he takes to himself a body capable of death, that it, by partaking of the Word who is above all, might be worthy to die in the stead of all, and might, because of the Word which was come to dwell in it, remain incorruptible, and that thenceforth corruption might be stayed from all by the grace of the resurrection. Whence, by offering unto death the body he himself had taken, as an offering and sacrifice free from any stain, straightway he put away death from all his peers by the offering of an equivalent. For, being over all, the Word of God naturally by offering his own temple and corporeal instrument for the life of all satisfied the debt by his death. And thus he, the incorruptible Son of God, being conjoined with all by a like nature, naturally clothed all with incorruption, by the promise of the resurrection. For the actual corruption in death has no longer holding ground against men, by reason of the Word, which by his one body has come to dwell among them. And like as when a great king has entered into some large city and taken up his abode in one of the houses there, such city is at all events held worthy of high honor, nor does any enemy or bandit any longer descend upon it and subject it; but, on the contrary, it is thought entitled to all care, because of the king's having taken up his residence in a single house there; so, too, has it been with the monarch of all. For now that he has come to our realm, and taken up his abode in one body among his peers, henceforth the whole conspiracy of the enemy against mankind is checked, and the corruption of death which before was prevailing against them is done away. For the race of men had

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gone to ruin, had not the Lord and Saviour of all, the Son of God, come among us to meet the end of death. 10. Now in truth this great work was peculiarly suited to God's goodness. For if a king, having founded a house or city, if it be beset by bandits from the carelessness of its inmates, does not by any means neglect it, but avenges and reclaims it as his own work, having regard, not to the carelessness of the inhabitants, but to what beseems himself; much more did God the Word of the all-good Father not neglect the race of men, his work, going to corruption: but, while he blotted out the death which had ensued by the offering of his own body, he corrected their neglect by his own teaching, restoring all that was man's by his own power. And of this one may be assured at the hands of the Saviour's own inspired writers, if one happen upon their writings, where they say: "For the love of Christ constraineth us; because we thus judge, that if one died for all, then all died, and he died for all that we should no longer live unto ourselves, but unto him who for our sakes died and rose again," 14 our Lord Jesus Christ. And, again: "But we behold him, who hath been made a little lower than the angels, even Jesus, because of the suffering of death crowned with glory and honor, that by the grace of God he should taste of death for every man." Then he also points out the reason why it was necessary for none other than God the Word himself to become incarnate, as follows: "For it became him, for whom are all things, and through whom are all things, in bringing many sons unto glory, to make the captain of their salvation perfect through suffering"; by which words he means that it belonged to none other to bring man back from the corruption which had begun than the Word of God, who had also made them from the beginning. And that it was in order to the sacrifice for bodies such as his own that the Word himself also assumed a body; to this, also, they refer in these words: "Forasmuch then as the children are the sharers in blood and flesh, he also himself in like manner partook of the same, that through death he might bring to nought him that had the power of death, that is, the devil; and might deliver them who, through fear of death, were all their lifetime subject to bondage." 15 For by the sacrifice of his own body, he both put an end to the law which was against us, and made a new beginning of life for us, by the hope of resurrection which he has given us. For since from man it was that death prevailed over men, for this cause con" II Cor. 5:14, 15.

is Heb. 2:9, 10, 14, 15.

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versely, by the Word of God being made man has come about the destruction of death and the resurrection of life; as the man which bore Christ says: "For since by man came death, by man came also the resurrection of the dead. For as in Adam all die, so also in Christ shall all be made alive" 16; and so forth. For no longer now do we die as subject to condemnation; but as men who rise from the dead we await the general resurrection of all, "which in its own times he shall show,"17 even God, who has also wrought it, and bestowed it upon us. This, then, is the first cause of the Saviour's being made man. But one might see from the following reasons also that his gracious coming amongst us was fitting to have taken place. 11. God, who has the power over all things, when he was making the race of men through his own Word, seeing the weakness of their nature, that it was not sufficient of itself to know its maker, nor to get any idea at all of God; because while he was uncreate, the creatures had been made of nought, and while he was incorporeal, men had been fashioned in a lower way in the body, and because in every way the things made fell far short of being able to comprehend and know their maker—taking pity, I say, on the race of men, inasmuch as he is good, he did not leave them destitute of the knowledge of himself, lest they should find no profit in existing at all. For what profit to the creatures if they knew not their maker? or how could they be rational without knowing the Word [and reason] of the Father, in whom they received their very being? For there would be nothing to distinguish them even from brute creatures if they had knowledge of nothing but earthly things. Nay, why did God make them at all, as he did not wish to be known by them? Whence, lest this should be so, being good, he gives them a share in his own image, our Lord Jesus Christ, and makes them after his own image and after his likeness: so that by such grace perceiving the image, that is, the Word of the Father, they may be able through him to get an idea of the Father, and, knowing their maker, live the happy and truly blessed life. But men once more in their perversity having set at nought, in spite of all this, the grace given them, so wholly rejected God, and so darkened their soul, as not merely to forget their idea of God, but also to fashion for themselves one invention after another. For not only did they grave idols for themselves, instead of the truth, and honor things that were not before the living God, "and serve the creature rather than i« I Cor. 15:21, 22. C.L.F.—5

17

I Tim. 6:15.

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the Creator," but, worst of all, they transferred the honor of God even to stocks and stones and to every material object and to men, and went even further than this, as we have said in the former treatise. So far indeed did their impiety go, that they proceeded to worship devils, and proclaimed them as gods, fulfilling their own lusts. For they performed, as was said above, offerings of brute animals, and sacrifices of men, as was meet for them, binding themselves down all the faster under their maddening inspirations. For this reason it was also that magic arts were taught among them, and oracles in divers places led men astray, and all men ascribed the influences of their birth and existence to the stars and to all the heavenly bodies, having no thought of anything beyond what was visible. And, in a word, everything was full of irreligion and lawlessness, and God alone, and his Word, was unknown, albeit he had not hidden himself out of men's sight, nor given the knowledge of himself in one way only; but had, on the contrary, unfolded it to them in many forms and by many ways. 12. For whereas the grace of the divine image was in itself sufficient to make known God the Word, and through him the Father, still God, knowing the weakness of men, made provision even for their carelessness; so that if they cared not to know God of themselves, they might be enabled through the works of creation to avoid ignorance of the maker. But since men's carelessness, by little and little, descends to lower things, God made provision, once more, even for this weakness of theirs, by sending a law, and prophets, men such as they knew, so that even if they were not ready to look up to heaven and know their Creator, they might have their instruction from those near at hand. For men are able to learn from men more directly about higher things. So it was open to them, by looking into the height of heaven, and perceiving the harmony of creation, to know its ruler, the Word of the Father, who by his own providence over all things makes known the Father to all, and to this end moves all things, that through him all may know God. Or, if this were too much for them, it was possible for them to meet at least the holy men, and through them to learn of God, the maker of all things, the Father of Christ; and that the worship of idols is godlessness, and full of all impiety. Or it was open to them, by knowing the law even, to cease from all lawlessness and live a virtuous life. For neither was the law for the Jews alone, nor were the prophets sent for them only, i s Rom. i :25.

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but, though sent to the Jews and persecuted by the Jews, they were for all the world a holy school of the knowledge of God and the conduct of the soul. God's goodness then and lovingkindness being so great, men nevertheless, overcome by the pleasures of the moment and by the illusions and deceits sent by demons, did not raise their heads toward the truth, but loaded themselves the more with evils and sins, so as no longer to seem rational, but from their ways to be reckoned void of reason. 13. So, then, men having thus become brutalized, and demoniacal deceit thus clouding every place, and hiding the knowledge of the true God, what was God to do? To keep still silence at so great a thing, and suffer men to be led astray by demons and not to know God? And what was the use of man having been originally made in God's image? For it had been better for him to have been made simply like a brute animal, than, once made rational, for him to live the life of the brutes. Or where was any necessity at all for his receiving the idea of God to begin with? For if he be not fit to receive it even now, it were better it had not been given him at first. Or what profit to God who has made them, or what glory to him could it be, if men, made by him, do not worship him, but think that others are their makers? For God thus proves to have made these for others instead of for himself. Once again, a merely human king does not let the lands he has colonized pass to others to serve them, nor go over to other men; but he warns them by letters, and often sends to them by friends, or, if need be, he comes in person, to put them to rebuke in the last resort by his presence, only that they may not serve others and his own work be spent for nought. Shall not God much more spare his own creatures, that they be not led astray from him and serve things of nought? especially since such going astray proves the cause of their ruin and undoing, and since it was unfitting that they should perish which had once been partakers of God's image. What, then, was God to do? or what was to be done save the renewing of that which was in God's image, so that by it men might once more be able to know him? But how could this have come to pass save by the presence of the very image of God, our Lord Jesus Christ? For by men's means it was impossible, since they are but made after an image; nor by angels either, for not even they are [God's] images. Whence the Word of God came in his own person, that, as he was the image of the Father, he might be able to create afresh the man after the image. But, again,

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it could not else have taken place had not death and corruption been done away. Whence he took, in natural fitness, a mortal body, that while death might in it be once for all done away, men made after his image might once more be renewed. None other, then, was sufficient for this need, save the image of the Father. 14. For as, when the likeness painted on a panel has been effaced by stains from without, he whose likeness it is must needs come once more to enable the portrait to be renewed on the same wood, for, for the sake of his picture, even the mere wood on which it is painted is not thrown away, but the outline is renewed upon it; in the same way also the most holy Son of the Father, being the image of the Father, came to our region to renew man once made in his likeness, and find him, as one lost, by the remission of sins; as he says himself in the Gospels, "I came to find and to save the lost." 19 Whence he said to the Jews also, "Except a man be born again," 20 not meaning, as they thought, birth from woman, but speaking of the soul born and created anew in the likeness of God's image. But since wild idolatry and godlessness occupied the world, and the knowledge of God was hid, whose part was it to teach the world concerning the Father? Man's, might one say? But it was not in man's power to penetrate everywhere beneath the sun; for neither had they the physical strength to run so far, nor would they be able to claim credence in this matter, nor were they sufficient by themselves to withstand the deceit and impositions of evil spirits. For where all were smitten and confused in soul from demoniacal deceit, and the vanity of idols, how was it possible for them to win over man's soul and man's mind—whereas they cannot even see them? Or how can a man convert what he does not see? But perhaps one might say creation was enough; but if creation were enough, these great evils would never have come to pass. For creation was there already, and, all the same, men were groveling in the same error concerning God. Who, then, was needed, save the Word of God, that sees both soul and mind, and that gives movement to all things in creation, and by them makes known the Father? For he who by his own providence and ordering of all things was teaching men concerning the Father, he it was that could renew this same teaching as well. How, then, could this have been done? Perhaps one might say that the same means were open as before, for him to show forth the truth about the Father once »9 Luke 19:10.

20 John 3:3.

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more by means of the work of creation. But this was no longer a sure means. Quite the contrary; for men missed seeing this before, and have turned their eyes no longer upward but downward. Whence, naturally, willing to profit men, he sojourns here as man, taking to himself a body like the others, and from things of earth, that is, by the works of his body [he teaches them], so that they who would not know him from his providence and rule over all things may even from the works done by his actual body know the Word of God which is in the body, and through him the Father. 15. For like a kind teacher who cares for his disciples, if some of them cannot profit by higher subjects, comes down to their level, and teaches them at any rate by simpler courses, so also did the Word of God. As Paul also says, "For seeing that in the wisdom of God the world through its wisdom knew not God, it was God's good pleasure through the foolishness of the [word] preached to save them that believe." 21 For seeing that men, having rejected the contemplation of God, and with their eyes downward, as though sunk in the deep, were seeking about for God in nature and in the world of sense, feigning gods for themselves of mortal men and demons; to this end the loving and general Saviour of all, the Word of God, takes to himself a body, and as man walks among men and meets the senses of all men halfway, to the end, I say, that they who think that God is corporeal may from what the Lord effects by his body perceive the truth, and through him recognize the Father. So, men as they were, and humans in all their thoughts, on whatever objects they fixed their senses, there they saw themselves met halfway, and taught the truth from every side. For if they looked with awe upon the creation, yet they saw how it confessed Christ as Lord; or if their mind was swayed toward men, so as to think them gods, yet from the Saviour's works, supposing they compared them, the Saviour alone among men appeared Son of God; for there were no such works done among the rest as have been done by the Word of God. Or if they were biased toward evil spirits, even, yet seeing them cast out by the Word, they were to know that he alone, the Word of God, was God, and that the spirits were none. Or if their mind had already sunk even to the dead, so as to worship heroes, and the gods spoken of in the poets, yet, seeing the Saviour's resurrection, they were to confess them to be false gods, and that the Lord alone is true, the Word of the 211 Cor. 1:21.

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Father, that was lord even of death. For this cause he was both born and appeared as man, and died, and rose again, dulling and casting into the shade the works of all former men by his own, that in whatever direction the bias of men might be, from thence he might recall them, and teach them of his own true Father, as he himself says, "I came to save and to find that which was lost." 22 16. For, men's mind having finally fallen to things of sense, the Word disguised himself by appearing in a body, that he might, as man, transfer men to himself, and center their senses on himself, and, men seeing him thenceforth as man, persuade them by the works he did that he is not man only, but also God, and the Word and wisdom of the true God. This too is what Paul means to point out when he says: "That ye, being rooted and grounded in love, may be strong to apprehend with all the saints what is the breadth and length, and height and depth, and to know the love of Christ which passeth knowledge, that ye may be filled unto all the fullness of God." 23 For by the Word revealing himself everywhere, both above and beneath, and in the depth and in the breadth—above, in the creation; beneath, in becoming man; in the depth, in Hades; and in the breadth, in the world—all things have been filled with the knowledge of God. Now for this cause, also, he did not immediately upon his coming accomplish his sacrifice on behalf of all, by offering his body to death and raising it again, for by this means he would have made himself invisible. But he made himself visible enough by what he did, abiding in it, and doing such works, and showing such signs, as made him known no longer as man, but as God the Word. For by his becoming man, the Saviour was to accomplish both works of love: first, in putting away death from us and renewing us again; secondly, being unseen and invisible, in manifesting and making himself known by his works to be the Word of the Father, and the ruler and king of the universe. 17. For he was not, as might be imagined, circumscribed in the body, nor, while present in the body, was he absent elsewhere; nor, while he moved the body, was the universe left void of his working and providence; but, thing most marvelous, Word as he was, so far from being contained by anything, he rather contained all things himself; and just as while present in the whole of creation, he is at once distinct in being from the universe, and present in all things by his own power— 22 Luke 19:10.

23

Eph. 3:17-19.

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giving order to all things, and over all and in all revealing his own providence, and giving life to each thing and all things, including the whole without being included, but being in his own Father alone wholly and in every respect24—thus, even while present in a human body and himself quickening it, he was, without inconsistency, quickening the universe as well, and was in every process of nature, and was outside the whole, and while known from the body by his works, he was none the less manifest from the working of the universe as well. Now, it is the function of the soul to behold even what is outside its own body, by acts of thought, without, however, working outside its own body, or moving by its presence things remote from the body. Never, that is, does a man, by thinking of things at a distance, by that fact either move or displace them; nor if a man were to sit in his own house and reason about the heavenly bodies, would he by that fact either move the sun or make the heavens revolve. But he sees that they move and have their being, without being actually able to influence them. Now, the Word of God in his man's nature was not like that; for he was not bound to his body, but was rather himself wielding it, so that he was not only in it, but was actually in everything, and while external to the universe, abode in his Father only. And this was the wonderful thing that he was at once walking as man, and as the Word was quickening all things, and as the Son was dwelling with his Father. So that not even when the Virgin bore him did he suffer any change, nor by being in the body was [his glory] dulled: but, on the contrary, he sanctified the body also. For not even by being in the universe does he share in its nature, but all things, on the contrary, are quickened and sustained by him. For if the sun too, which was made by him, and which we see as it revolves in the heaven, is not defiled by touching the bodies upon earth, nor is it put out by darkness, but on the contrary itself illuminates and cleanses them also, much less was the all-holy Word of God, maker and lord also of the sun, defiled by being made known in the body; on the contrary, being incorruptible, he quickened and cleansed the body also, which was in itself mortal: "who did," for so it says, "no sin, neither was guile found in his mouth." 25 18. Accordingly, when inspired writers on this matter speak of him as eating and being born, understand that the body, as body, was born, and sustained with food corresponding to its 24

The Word is in the Father in his full being; elsewhere manifested in one 25 aspect or another. I Peter 2:22.

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nature, while God the Word himself, who was united with the body, while ordering all things, also by the works he did in the body showed himself to be, not man, but God the Word. But 26 these things are said of him because the actual body which ate, was born, and suffered, belonged to none other but to the Lord: and because, having become man, it was proper for these things to be predicated of him as man, to show him to have a body in truth, and not in seeming. But just as from these things he was known to be bodily present, so from the works he did in the body he made himself known to be Son of God. Whence also he cried to the unbelieving Jews: "If I do not the works of my Father, believe me not. But if I do them, though ye believe not me, believe my works; that ye may know and understand that the Father is in me, and I in the Father." 27 For just as, though invisible, he is known through the works of creation; so, having become man, and being in the body unseen, it may be known from his works that he who can do these is not man, but the power and Word of God.26 For his charging evil spirits, and their being driven forth, this deed is not of man, but of God. Or who that saw him healing the diseases to which the human race is subject, can still think him man and not God? For he cleansed lepers, made lame men to walk, opened the hearing of deaf men, made blind men to see again, and in a word drove away from men all diseases and infirmities: from which acts it was possible even for the most ordinary observer to see his Godhead. For who that saw him give back what was deficient to men born lacking, and open the eyes of the man blind from his birth, would have failed to perceive that the nature of men was subject to him, and that he was its artificer and maker? For he that gave back that which the man from his birth had not must be, it is surely evident, the Lord also of men's natural birth. Therefore, even to begin with, when he was descending to us, he fashioned his body for himself from a virgin, thus to afford to all no small proof of his Godhead, in that he who formed this is also maker of everything else as well. For who, seeing a body proceeding forth from a virgin alone without man, can fail to infer that he who appears in it 2« For the passage, "But these things . . . Word of God," the Short Recension reads, "For being a lover of man and only-begotten Son of the good Father he left nothing void of himself, but was made known invisibly to the invisible [powers] through his forethought for his own creation, while to men he abundantly made the Father known through his own body, showing himself by his divine teaching and his works to be the Son of God." 27 John 10:37, 3 8 -

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is maker and Lord of other bodies also? Or who, seeing the substance of water changed and transformed into wine, fails to perceive that he who did this is Lord and creator of the substance of all waters? For to this end he went upon the sea also as its master, and walked as on dry land, to afford evidence to them that saw it of his lordship over all things. And in feeding so vast a multitude on little, and of his own self yielding abundance where none was, so that from five loaves five thousand had enough, and left so much again over, did he show himself to be any other than the very Lord whose providence is over all things? 19. But all this it seemed well for the Saviour to do; that since men had failed to perceive his Godhead shown in creation, they might at any rate from the works of his body recover their sight, and through him receive an idea of the knowledge of the Father, inferring, as I said before, from particular cases his providence over the whole. For who that saw his power over evil spirits, or who that saw the evil spirits confess that he was their Lord, will hold his mind any longer in doubt whether this be the Son and wisdom and power of God? For he made even the creation break silence: in that even at his death, marvelous to relate, or rather at his actual trophy over death— the cross I mean—all creation was confessing that he that was made manifest and suffered in the body was not man merely, but the Son of God and Saviour of all. For the sun hid his face, and the earth quaked and the mountains were rent; all men were awed. Now these things showed that Christ on the cross was God, while all creation was his slave, and was witnessing by its fear to its master's presence. Thus, then, God the Word showed himself to men by his works. But our next step must be to recount and speak of the end of his bodily life and course, and of the nature of the death of his body, especially as this is the sum of our faith, and all men without exception are full of it; 28 so that you may know that no whit the less from this also Christ is known to be God and the Son of God. THE VICTORY OF THE CROSS

20. We have, then, now stated in part, as far as it was possible, and as ourselves had been able to understand, the reason of his bodily appearing; that it was in the power of none other to turn the corruptible to incorruption, except the Saviour 28 Or, "chatter about it"—the cross, the central point of the faith, still to the Greeks foolishness.

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himself, that had at the beginning also made all things out of nought; and that none other could create anew the likeness of God's image for men, save the image of the Father; and that none other could render the mortal immortal, save our Lord Jesus Christ, who is the very life; and that none other could teach men of the Father, and destroy the worship of idols, save the Word, that orders all things and is alone the true onlybegotten Son of the Father. But since it was necessary also that the debt owing from all should be paid again, for, as I have already said, it was owing that all should die—for which especial cause, indeed, he came among us—to this intent, after the proofs of his Godhead from his works, he next offered up his sacrifice also on behalf of all, yielding his temple to death in the stead of all, in order firstly to make men quit and free of their old trespass, and further to show himself more powerful even than death, displaying his own body incorruptible as first fruits of the resurrection of all. And do not be surprised if we frequently repeat the same words on the same subject. For since we are speaking of the counsel of God, therefore we expound the same sense in more than one form, lest we should seem to be leaving anything out, and incur the charge of inadequate treatment; for it is better to submit to the blame of repetition than to leave out anything that ought to be set down. The body, then, as sharing the same nature with all, for it was a human body, though by an unparalleled miracle it was formed of a virgin only, yet being mortal, was to die also, conformably to its peers. But by virtue of the union of the Word with it, it was no longer subject to corruption according to its own nature, but by reason of the Word that was come to dwell in it it was placed out of the reach of corruption. And so it was that two marvels came to pass at once, that the death of all was accomplished in the Lord's body, and that death and corruption were wholly done away by reason of the Word that was united with it. For there was need of death, and death must needs be suffered on behalf of all, that the debt owing from all might be paid. Whence, as I said before, the Word, since it was not possible for him to die, as he was immortal, took to himself a body such as could die, that he might offer it as his own in the stead of all, and as suffering, through his union with it, on behalf of all, "bring to nought him that had the power of death, that is, the devil; and might deliver them who through fear of death were all their lifetime subject to bondage." 29 "Heb.

2:14,

15.

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21. Why, now that the common Saviour of all has died on our behalf, we, the faithful in Christ, no longer die the death as before, agreeably to the warning of the law; for this condemnation has ceased; but, corruption ceasing and being put away by the grace of the resurrection, henceforth we are only dissolved, agreeably to our bodies' mortal nature, at the time God has fixed for each, that we may be able to gain a better resurrection. For like the seeds which are cast into the earth, we do not perish by dissolution, but, sown in the earth, shall rise again, death having been brought to nought by the grace of the Saviour. Hence it is that blessed Paul, who was made a surety of the resurrection to all, says: "This corruptible must put on incorruption, and this mortal must put on immortality; but when this corruptible shall have put on incorruption, and this mortal shall have put on immortality, then shall be brought to pass the saying that is written, Death is swallowed up in victory. O death, where is thy sting? O grave, where is thy victory?" 30 Why, then, 31 one might say, if it were necessary for him to yield up his body to death in the stead of all, did he not lay it aside as man privately, instead of going as far as even to be crucified? For it were more fitting for him to have laid his body aside honorably, than ignominiously to endure a death like this. Now, see to it, I reply, whether such an objection be not merely human, whereas what the Saviour did is truly divine and for many reasons worthy of his Godhead. Firstly, because the death which befalls men comes to them agreeably to the weakness of their nature; for, unable to continue in one stay, they are dissolved with time. Hence, too, diseases befall them, and they fall sick and die. But the Lord is not weak, but is the power of God and Word of God and very life. If, then, he had laid aside his body somewhere in private, and upon a bed, after the manner of men, it would have been thought that he also did this agreeably to the weakness of his nature, so I Cor. 15:53-55. 31 For the passage, "Why, then . . . counsel against him," the Short Recension reads: "Therefore he did not surrender his body to a death of its own, but to one inflicted by others. Why indeed did he not hide from the plotting of the Jews, that he might guard his temple wholly immortal? Because this too was unfitting the Lord, for it was not fitting for the Word of God, being Life, to inflict death of himself on his own body, nor to flee what came from others, and not rather to follow it up to destruction; for which reason he naturally neither laid aside his body of himself nor fled from the Jews when they took counsel against him. For being Life he did not allow his body to be injured by death, but rather brought it to nought in his body."

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and because there was nothing in him more than in other men. But since he was, firstly, the life and the Word of God, and it was necessary, secondly, for the death on behalf of all to be accomplished, for this cause, on the one hand, because he was life and power, the body gained strength in him; while on the other, as death must needs come to pass, he did not himself take, but received at others' hands, the occasion of perfecting his sacrifice. Since it was not fit, either, that the Lord should fall sick, who healed the diseases of others; nor again was it right for that body to lose its strength, in which he gives strength to the weakness of others also. Why, then, did he not prevent death, as he did sickness? Because it was for this that he had the body, and it was unfitting to prevent it, lest the resurrection also should be hindered, while yet it was equally unfitting for sickness to precede his death, lest it should be thought weakness on the part of him that was in the body. Did he not then hunger? Yes; he hungered, agreeably to the properties of his body. But he did not perish of hunger, because of the Lord that wore it. Hence, even if he died to ransom all, yet he saw not corruption.32 For [his body] rose again in perfect soundness, since the body belonged to none other, but to the very life. 22. But it were better, one might say, to have hidden from the designs of the Jews, that he might guard his body altogether from death. Now let such a one be told that this too was unbefitting the Lord. For as it was not fitting for the Word of God, being the life, to inflict death himself on his own body, so neither was it suitable to fly from death offered by others, but rather to follow it up unto destruction, for which reason he naturally neither laid aside his body of his own accord, nor, again, fled from the Jews when they took counsel against him. 31 But this did not show weakness on the Word's part, but, on the contrary, showed him to be Saviour and Life; in that he both awaited death to destroy it and hasted to accomplish the death offered him for the salvation of all. And besides, the Saviour came to accomplish not his own death, but the death of men; whence he did not lay aside his body by a death of his own—• for he was life and had none—but received that death which came from men, in order perfectly to do away with this when it met him in his own body. Again, from the following also one might see the reasonableness of the Lord's body meeting this end. The Lord was especially concerned for the resurrection of 3i See p. 75.

32 Cf. Acts 2:31.

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the body which he was set to accomplish. For what he was to do was to manifest it as a monument of victory over death, and to assure all of his having effected the blotting out of corruption, and of the incorruption of their bodies from thenceforward; as a gage of which and a proof of the resurrection in store for all, he has preserved his own body incorrupt. If, then, once more, his body had fallen sick, and the Word had been sundered from it in the sight of all, it would have been unbecoming that he who healed the diseases of others should suffer his own instrument to waste in sickness. For how could his driving out the diseases of others have been believed in if his own temple fell sick in him? For either he had been mocked as unable to drive away diseases, or if he could, but did not, he would be thought insensible toward others also. 23. But even if, without any disease and without any pain, he had hidden his body away privily and by himself "in a corner," 33 or in a desert place, or in a house, or anywhere, and afterwards suddenly appeared and said that he had been raised from the dead, he would have seemed on all hands to be telling idle tales, and what he said about the resurrection would have been all the more discredited, as there was no one at all to witness to his death. Now, death must precede resurrection, as it would be no resurrection did not death precede; so that if the death of his body had taken place anywhere in secret, the death not being apparent nor taking place before witnesses, his resurrection too had been hidden and without evidence. Or why, while when he had risen he proclaimed the resurrection, should he cause his death to take place in secret? or why, while he drove out evil spirits in the presence of all, and made the man blind from his birth recover his sight, and changed the water into wine, that by these means he might be believed to be the Word of God, should he not manifest his mortal nature as incorruptible in the presence of all, that he might be believed himself to be the Life? Or how were his disciples to have boldness in speaking of the resurrection, were they not able to say that he first died? Or how could they be believed, saying that death had first taken place and then the resurrection, had they not had as witnesses of his death the men before whom they spoke with boldness? For if, even as it was, when his death and resurrection had taken place in the sight of all, the Pharisees of that day would not believe, but compelled even those who had seen the resurrection to deny it, why, surely if 33 Cf. Acts 26:26.

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these things had happened in secret, how many pretexts for disbelief would they have devised? Or how could the end of death, and the victory over it, be proved, unless challenging it before the eyes of all he had shown it to be dead, annulled for the future by the incorruption of his body? 24. But what others also might have said, we must anticipate in reply. For perhaps a man might say even as follows: If it was necessary for his death to take place before all, and with witnesses, that the story of his resurrection also might be believed, it would have been better at any rate for him to have devised for himself a glorious death, if only to escape the ignominy of the cross. But had he done even this, he would have given ground for suspicion against himself, that he was not powerful against every death, but only against the death devised for him; and so again there would have been a pretext for disbelief about the resurrection all the same. So death came to his body, not from himself, but from hostile counsels, in order that whatever death they offered to the Saviour, this he might utterly do away. And just as a noble wrestler, great in skill and courage, does not pick out his antagonists for himself, lest he should raise a suspicion of his being afraid of some of them, but puts it in the choice of the onlookers, and especially so if they happen to be his enemies, so that against whomsoever they match him, him he may throw, and be believed superior to them all; so also the life of all, our Lord and Saviour, even Christ, did not devise a death for his own body, so as not to appear to be fearing some other death; but he accepted on the cross, and endured, a death inflicted by others, and above all by his enemies, which they thought dreadful and ignominious and not to be faced; so that, this also being destroyed, both he himself might be believed to be the life and 34 the power of 34

The Short Recension omits the passage, "And the power . . . take place. For" (ch. 26), and substitutes: "And no one should doubt in the future whether [or not] death was completely brought to nought and life had prevailed over it. For though this death of the cross was fearful and dishonorable among men the Lord himself welcomed and accepted it voluntarily, so that in this he might bring death to nought, and that from then on the victory which he had achieved over death might be thoroughly believed in. For this reason he did not die by illness because it was unfitting, nor by a death that came from himself because [text defective], nor by a death which he himself devised, because of the reproaches of the unbelievers, but his body accepted death from the plotting of his enemies. And he was crucified on high and lifted up so that, as his death was manifest to all, his resurrection also, being manifest to all, might be acknowledged and believed in. For the body suffered and died according

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death be brought utterly to nought. So something surprising and startling has happened; for the death, which they thought to inflict as a disgrace, was actually a monument of victory against death itself. Whence neither did he suffer the death of John, his head being severed, nor, as Isaiah, was he sawn in sunder; in order that even in death he might still keep his body undivided and in perfect soundness, and no pretext be afforded to those that would divide the Church. 25. And thus much in reply to those without who pile up arguments for themselves. But if any of our own people also inquire, not from love of debate but from love of learning, why he suffered death in none other way save on the cross, let him also be told that no other way than this was good for us, and that it was well that the Lord suffered this for our sakes. For if he came himself to bear the curse laid upon us, how else could he have "become a curse," unless he received the death set for a curse? and that is the cross. For this is exactly what is written: "Cursed is he that hangeth on a tree." 35 Again, if the Lord's death is the ransom of all, and by his death "the middle wall of partition" 36 is broken down, and the calling of the nations is brought about, how would he have called us to him, had he not been crucified? for it is only on the cross that a man dies with his hands spread out. Whence it was fitting for the Lord to bear this also and to spread out his hands, that with the one he might draw the ancient people, and with the other those from the Gentiles, and unite both in himself. For this is what he himself has said, signifying by what manner of death he was ransom to all: " I , when I am lifted up," he says, "shall draw all men unto me." 37 And once more, if the devil, the enemy of our race, having fallen from heaven, wanders about our lower atmosphere, and there bearing rule over his fellow spirits, as his peers in disobedience, not only works illusions by their means in them that are deceived, but tries to the nature of bodies. But he had faith in his incorruptibility from the Word who dwelt in him. For when the body died the Word was not smitten with it. But he was impassible and incorruptible and immortal, as being God's Word, present with his body. Rather, he warded off from it that corruption which is according to the nature of bodies, as the Spirit also said to him, Thou shalt not suffer thy Holy One to see corruption" (Ps. 16:11; Acts 2:27). "So then the body, being a human body, as I said before, was smitten by separation from the Word, but he being the Power of God and Wisdom of God and Word and Life of all." 35 G a l . 3 : 1 3 ; D e u t . 21:23. 36 Eph. 2:14. 37 John 12:32; cf. Isa. 65:2.

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to hinder them that are going up (and about this the apostle says: "According to the prince of the power of the air, of the spirit that now worketh in the sons of disobedience") 3S ; while the Lord came to cast down the devil, and clear the air and prepare the way for us up into heaven, as said the apostle: "Through the veil, that is to say, his flesh"39—and this must needs be by death—well, by what other kind of death could this have come to pass than by one which took place in the air, I mean the cross? for only he that is perfected on the cross dies in the air. Whence it was quite fitting that the Lord suffered this death. For thus being lifted up he cleared the air of the malignity both of the devil and of demons of all kinds, as he says: "I beheld Satan as lightning fall from heaven" 40 ; and made a new opening of the way up into heaven, as he says once more: "Lift up your gates, O ye princes, and be ye lift up, ye everlasting doors." 41 For it was not the Word himself that needed an opening of the gates, being Lord of all; nor were any of his works closed to their maker; but we it was that needed it, whom he carried up by his own body. For as he offered it to death on behalf of all, so by it he once more made ready the way up into the heavens. 26. The death on the cross, then, for us has proved seemly and fitting, and its cause has been shown to be reasonable in every respect; and it may justly be argued that in no other way than by the cross was it right for the salvation of all to take place. For not even thus—not even on the cross—did he leave himself concealed; but far otherwise, while he made creation witness to the presence of its maker, he suffered not the temple of his body to remain long, but having merely shown it to be dead, by the contact of death with it, he straightway raised it up on the third day, bearing away, as the mark of victory and the triumph over death, the incorruptibility and impassibility which resulted to his body. For he could, even immediately on death, have raised his body and shown it alive; but this also the Saviour, in wise foresight, did not do. For one might have said that he had not died at all, or that death had not come into perfect contact with him, if he had manifested the resurrection at once. Perhaps, again, had the interval of his dying and rising again been one of two days only, the glory of his incorrup38

Eph. 2:2; cf. Antony's visions of souls impeded on their way to heaven by hostile powers (Athanasius, Life of Antony, 65, 66) and Apocalypse of Paul 14 (M. R. James, Apocryphal New Testament, Oxford, 1925, p. 531). 3»Heb. 10:20. 40 Luke 10:18. « Ps. 24:7.

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tion would have been obscure. So in order that the body might be proved to be dead, the Word tarried yet one intermediate day, and on the third showed it incorruptible to all. So then, that the death on the cross might be proved, he raised his body on the third day. But lest, by raising it up when it had remained a long time and been completely corrupted, he should be disbelieved, as though he had exchanged it for some other body —for a man might also from lapse of time distrust what he saw, and forget what had taken place—for this cause he waited not more than three days; nor did he keep long in suspense those whom he had told about the resurrection; but while the word was still echoing in their ears and their eyes were still expectant and their mind in suspense, and while those who had slain him were still living on earth, and were on the spot and could witness to the death of the Lord's body, the Son of God himself, after an interval of three days, showed his body, once dead, immortal and incorruptible; and it was made manifest to all that it was not from any natural weakness of the Word that dwelt in it that the body had died, but in order that in it death might be done away by the power of the Saviour. 27. For that death is destroyed, and that the cross is become the victory over it, and that it has no more power but is verily dead, this is no small proof, or rather an evident warrant, that it is despised by all Christ's disciples, and that they all take the aggressive against it and no longer fear it; but by the sign of the cross and by faith in Christ tread it down as dead. For of old, before the divine sojourn of the Saviour took place, even to the saints death was terrible, 42 and all wept for the dead as though they perished. But now that the Saviour has raised his body, death is no longer terrible; for all who believe in Christ tread him under as nought, and choose rather to die than to deny their faith in Christ. For they verily know that when they die they are not destroyed, but actually [begin to] live, and become incorruptible through the resurrection. And that devil that once maliciously exulted in death, now that its pains were loosed, remained the only one truly dead. And a proof of this is, that before men believe Christ, they see in death an object of terror, and play the coward before him. But when they are gone over to Christ's faith and teaching, their contempt for death is so great that they even eagerly rush upon it, and become witnesses for the resurrection the Saviour has accomplished against it. For while still tender in years they make haste 42

This clause ("even . . . terrible, and") is omitted in the Short Recension.

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to die, and not men only, but women also, exercise themselves by bodily discipline against it. So weak has he become, that even women who were formerly deceived by him, now mock at him as dead and paralyzed. For as when a tyrant has been defeated by a real king, and bound hand and foot, then all that pass by laugh him to scorn, buffeting and reviling him, no longer fearing his fury and barbarity, because of the king who has conquered him; so also, death having been conquered and exposed by the Saviour on the cross, and bound hand and foot, all they who are in Christ, as they pass by, trample on him, and witnessing to Christ scoff at death, jesting at him, and saying what has been written against him of old: "O death, where is thy victory? O grave, where is thy sting?" 43 28. Is this, then, a light proof of the weakness of death? or is it a slight demonstration of the victory won over him by the Saviour, when the youths and young maidens that are in Christ despise this life and practice to die? For man is by nature afraid of death and of the dissolution of the body; but there is this most startling fact, that he who has put on the faith of the cross despises even what is naturally fearful, and for Christ's sake is not afraid of death. And just as, whereas fire has the natural property of burning, if someone said there was a substance which did not fear its burning, but on the contrary proved it weak—as the asbestos among the Indians is said to do—then one who did not believe the story, if he wished to put it to the test, is at any rate, after putting on the fireproof material and touching the fire, thereupon assured of the weakness attributed to the fire; or if anyone wished to see the tyrant bound, at any rate by going into the country and domain of his conqueror he may see the man, a terror to others, reduced to weakness; so if a man is incredulous even still, after so many proofs and after so many who have become martyrs in Christ, still, if his mind be even yet doubtful as to whether death has been brought to nought and had an end, he does well to wonder at so great a thing, only let him not prove obstinate in incredulity, nor case-hardened in the face of what is so plain. But just as he who has got the asbestos knows that fire has no burning power over it, and as he who would see the tyrant bound goes over to the empire of his conqueror, so too let him who is incredulous about the victory over death receive the faith of Christ, and pass over to his teaching, and he shall see the weakness of death, and the triumph over it. For many who « I Cor. 15:55 (Hos. 13:14).

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were formerly incredulous and scoffers have afterwards believed and so despised death as even to become martyrs for Christ himself.44 29. Now if by the sign of the cross, and by faith in Christ, death is trampled down, it must be evident before the tribunal of truth that it is none other than Christ himself that has displayed trophies and triumphs over death, and made him lose all his strength. And if, while previously death was strong, and for that reason terrible, now after the sojourn of the Saviour and the death and resurrection of his body it is despised, it must be evident that death has been brought to nought and conquered by the very Christ that ascended the cross. For as, if after nighttime the sun rises, and the whole region of earth is illumined by him, it is at any rate not open to doubt that it is the sun who has revealed his light everywhere, that has also driven away the dark and given light to all things; so, now that death has come into contempt, and been trodden underfoot, from the time when the Saviour's saving manifestation in the flesh and his death on the cross took place, it must be quite plain that it is the very Saviour that also appeared in the body who has brought death to nought, and who displays the signs of victory over him day by day in his own disciples. For when one sees men, weak by nature, leaping forward to death, and not fearing its corruption nor frightened of the descent into Hades, but with eager soul challenging it, and not flinching from torture, but on the contrary, for Christ's sake electing to rush upon death in preference to life upon earth; or even if one be an eyewitness of men and females and young children rushing and leaping upon death for the sake of Christ's religion; who is so silly, or who is so incredulous, or who so maimed in his mind, as not to see and infer that Christ, to whom the people witness, himself supplies and gives to each the victory over death, depriving him of all his power in each one of them that hold his faith and bear the sign of the cross. For he that sees the serpent trodden underfoot, especially knowing his former fierceness, no longer doubts that he is dead and has quite lost his strength, unless he is perverted in mind and has not even his bodily senses sound. For who that sees a lion, either, made sport of by children, fails to see that he is either dead or has lost all his power? Just as, then, it is possible to see with the eyes the truth of all this, so, now that death is made sport of and despised by believers in Christ, let none any 44 Or better, "themselves" (autous for autou with better MSS.).

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longer doubt, nor any prove incredulous, of death having been brought to nought by Christ, and the corruption of death destroyed and stayed. 30. What we have so far said, then, is no small proof that death has been brought to nought, and that the cross of the Lord is a sign of victory over him. But of the resurrection of the body to immortality thereupon accomplished by Christ, the common Saviour and true life of all, the demonstration by facts is clearer than arguments to those whose mental vision is sound. For if, as our argument showed, death has been brought to nought, and because of Christ all tread him underfoot, much more did he himself first tread him down with his own body, and bring him to nought. But supposing death slain by him, what could have happened save the rising again of his body, and its being displayed as a monument of victory against death? or how could death have been shown to be brought to nought unless the Lord's body had risen? But if this demonstration of the resurrection seem to anyone insufficient, let him be assured of what is said even from what takes place before his eyes. For whereas on a man's decease he can put forth no power, but his influence lasts to the grave and thenceforth ceases; and actions, and power over men, belong to the living only; let him who will, see and be judge, confessing the truth from what appears to sight. For now that the Saviour works so great things among men, and day by day is invisibly persuading so great a multitude from every side, from them that dwell both in Greece and in foreign lands, to come over to his faith, and all to obey his teaching, will anyone still hold his mind in doubt whether a resurrection has been accomplished by the Saviour, and whether Christ is alive, or rather is himself the Life? Or is it like a dead man to be pricking the consciences of men, so that they deny their hereditary laws and bow before the teaching of Christ? Or how, if he is no longer active (for this is proper to one dead), does he stay from their activity those who are active and alive, so that the adulterer no longer commits adultery, and the murderer murders no more, nor is the inflicter of wrong any longer grasping, and the profane is henceforth religious? Or how, if he be not risen but is dead, does he drive away, and pursue, and cast down those false gods said by the unbelievers to be alive, and the demons they worship? For where Christ is named, and his faith, there all idolatry is deposed and all imposture of evil spirits is exposed, and any spirit is unable to endure even the name, nay, even on

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barely hearing it, flies and disappears. But this work is not that of one dead, but of one that lives—and especially of God. In particular, it would be ridiculous to say that while the spirits cast out by him and the idols brought to nought are alive, he who chases them away, and by his power prevents their even appearing, yea, and is being confessed by them all to be Son of" God, is dead. 31. But they who disbelieve in the resurrection afford a strong proof against themselves, if instead of all the spirits and the gods worshiped by them casting out Christ, who, they say, is dead, Christ on the contrary proves them all to be dead, For if it be true that one dead can exert no power, while the, Saviour does daily so many works, drawing men to religion, persuading to virtue, teaching of immortality, leading on to a desire for heavenly things, revealing the knowledge of the Father, inspiring strength to meet death, showing himself to each one, and displacing the godlessness of idolatry, and the gods and spirits of the unbelievers can do none of these things, but rather show themselves dead at the presence of Christ, their pomp being reduced to impotence and vanity—whereas by the sign of the cross all magic is stopped, and all witchcraft brought to nought, and all the idols are being deserted and left, and every unruly pleasure is checked, and everyone 45 is looking up from earth to heaven—whom is one to pronounce dead? Christ, that is doing so many works? But to work is not proper to one dead. Or him that exerts no power at all, but lies as it were without life? which is essentially proper to the idols and spirits, dead as they are. For the Son of God is "living and active," and works day by day, and brings about the salvation of all. But death is daily proved to have lost all his power, and idols and spirits are proved to be dead rather than Christ, so that henceforth no man can any longer doubt of the resurrection of his body. But he who is incredulous of the resurrection of the Lord's body would seem to be ignorant of the power of the Word and Wisdom of God. For if he took a body to himself at all, and—in reasonable consistency, as our argument showed— appropriated it as his own, what was the Lord to do with it? or what should be the end of the body when the Word had once descended upon it? For it could not but die, inasmuch as it was mortal, and to be offered unto death on behalf of all: for which purpose it was that the Saviour fashioned it for himself. But it «s Or "faith" (pistis for pas tis); but the other reading is probably better, and is supported by the Short Recension MSS.

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was impossible for it to remain dead, because it had been made the temple of life. Whence, while it died as mortal, it came to life again by reason of the life in it; and of its resurrection the works are a sign. 32. But if, because he is not seen, his having risen at all is disbelieved, it is high time for those who refuse belief to deny the very course of nature. For it is God's peculiar property at once to be invisible and yet to be known from his works, as has been already stated above. If, then, the works are not there, they do well to disbelieve what does not appear. But if the works cry aloud and show it clearly, why do they choose to deny the life so manifestly due to the resurrection? For even if they be maimed in their intelligence, yet even with the external senses men may see the unimpeachable power and Godhead of Christ. For even a blind man, if he see not the sun, yet if he but take hold of the warmth the sun gives out, knows that there is a sun above the earth. Thus let our opponents also, if they do not yet believe, still being blinded to the truth, yet at least knowing his power by others who believe, not deny the Godhead of Christ and the resurrection accomplished by him. For it is plain that if Christ be dead, he could not be expelling demons and spoiling idols; for a dead man the spirits would not have obeyed. But if they be manifestly expelled by the naming of his name, it must be evident that he is not dead; especially as spirits, seeing even what is unseen by men, could tell if Christ were dead and refuse him any obedience at all. But as it is, what irreligious men believe not, the spirits see—that he is God— and hence they fly and fall at his feet, saying just what they uttered when he was in the body: "We know thee who thou art, the Holy One of God" 46 ; and, "Ah, what have we to do with thee, thou Son of God? I pray thee, torment me not." 47 As, then, demons confess him, and his works bear him witness day by day, it must be evident—and let none brazen it out against the truth—both that the Saviour raised his own body and that he is the true Son of God, being from him, as from his Father, his own Word, and Wisdom, and Power, who in ages later took a body for the salvation of all, and taught the world concerning the Father, and brought death to nought, and bestowed incorruption upon all by the promise of the resurrection, having raised his own body as a first fruits of this, and having displayed it by the sign of the cross, as a monument of victory over death and its corruption. 46 47 Mark 1 =24 (Luke 4:34). Luke8:28 (Mark 5:7).

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REPLY TO OBJECTIONS: JEWISH

33. These things being so, and the resurrection of his body and the victory gained over death by the Saviour being clearly proved, come now, let us put to rebuke both the disbelief of the Jews and the scoffing of the Gentiles. For these, perhaps, are the points where Jews express incredulity, while Gentiles laugh, finding fault with the unseemliness of the cross, and of the Word of God becoming man. But our argument shall not delay to grapple with both, especially as the proofs at our command against them are clear as day. For Jews in their incredulity may be refuted from the Scriptures, which even themselves read; for this text and that, and, in a word, the whole inspired Scripture, cries aloud concerning these things, as even its express words abundantly show. For prophets proclaimed beforehand concerning the wonder of the Virgin and the birth from her, saying: "Lo, the virgin shall be with child, and shall bring forth a son, and they shall call his name Emmanuel, which is, being interpreted, God with us." 4 8 But Moses, the truly great, and whom they believe to speak truth, with reference to the Saviour's becoming man, having estimated what was said as important, and assured of its truth, set it down in these words: "There shall rise a star out of Jacob, and a man out of Israel, and he shall break in pieces the captains of Moab." And again: "How lovely are thy habitations, O Jacob, thy tabernacles, O Israel, as shadowing gardens, and as parks by the rivers, and as tabernacles which the Lord hath fixed, as cedars by the waters. A man shall come forth out of his seed, and shall be Lord over many peoples." 49 And again, Isaiah: "Before the child know how to call father or mother, he shall take the power of Damascus and the spoils of Samaria before the king of" Assyria." 50 That a man, then, shall appear is foretold in those words. But that he that is to come is Lord of all, they predict once more as follows: "Behold the Lord sitteth upon a light cloud, and shall come into Egypt, and the graven images of Egypt shall be shaken." 51 For from thence also it is that the Father calls him back, saying, "I called my Son out of Egypt." 52 34. Nor is even his death passed over in silence; on the contrary it is referred to in the divine Scriptures, even exceeding clearly. For to the end that none should err for want of instruc48

Matt. 1:23 (Isa. 7:14). s«Isa. 8:4.

««Num. 24: 17, 5-7. 5» Isa. 19:1. 52 Hos. u : i .

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tion in the actual events, they feared not to mention even the cause of his death—that he suffers it, not for his own sake, but for the immortality and salvation of all, and the counsels of the Jews against him and the indignities offered him at their hands. They say then: "A man in stripes, and knowing how to bear weakness, for his face is turned away; he was dishonored and held in no account. He beareth our sins, and is in pain on our account; and we reckoned him to be in labor, and in stripes, and in ill-usage; but he was wounded for our sins, and made weak for our wickedness. The chastisement of our peace was upon him, and by his stripes we were healed." O marvel at the loving-kindness of the Word, that for our sakes he is dishonored, that we may be brought to honor. "For all we," it says, "like sheep were gone astray; man had erred in his way; and the Lord delivered him for our sins; and he openeth not his mouth, because he hath been evilly intreated. As a sheep was he brought to the slaughter, and as a lamb dumb before his shearer, so openeth he not his mouth: in his abasement his judgment was taken away." Then lest any should from his suffering conceive him to be a common man, Holy Writ anticipates the surmises of man, and declares the power [which worked] for him, and the difference of his nature compared with ourselves, saying: "But who shall declare his generation? For his life is taken away from the earth. From the wickedness of the people was he brought to death. And I will give the wicked instead of his burial, and the rich instead of his death; for he did no wickedness, neither was guile found in his mouth. And the Lord will cleanse him from his stripes." 53 35. But, perhaps, having heard the prophecy of his death, you ask to learn also what is set forth concerning the cross. For not even this is passed over: it is displayed by the holy men with great plainness. For first Moses predicts it, and that with a loud voice, when he says: "Ye shall see your Life hanging before your eyes, and shall not believe." 54 And next, the prophets after him witness of this, saying: "But I as an innocent lamb brought to be slain, knew it not; they counseled an evil counsel against me, saying, Hither and let us cast a tree upon his bread, and efface him from the land of the living." 55 And again: "They pierced my hands and my feet, they numbered all my bones, they parted my garments among them, and for my vesture they cast lots." 56 Now a death raised aloft, and that 53 Isa. 53:3-10 (LXX). ssjer. 11:19.

5-t Deut. 28:66. « Ps. 22:16-18.

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takes place on a tree, could be none other than the cross; and again, in no other death are the hands and feet pierced, save on the cross only. But since by the sojourn of the Saviour among men all nations also on every side began to know God; they did not leave this point, either, without a reference: but mention is made of this matter as well in the holy Scriptures. For "there shall be," he says, "the root of Jesse, and he that riseth to rule the nations, on him shall the nations hope." 57 This, then, is a little in proof of what has happened. But all Scripture teems with refutations of the disbelief of the Jews. For which of the righteous men and holy prophets, and patriarchs, recorded in the divine Scriptures, ever had his corporeal birth of a virgin only? Or what woman has sufficed without man for the conception of human kind? Was not Abel born of Adam, Enoch of Jared, Noah of Lamech, and Abraham of Terah, Isaac of Abraham, Jacob of Isaac? Was not Judah born of Jacob, and Moses and Aaron of Amram? Was not Samuel born of Elkanah, was not David of Jesse, was not Solomon of David, was not Hezekiah of Ahaz, was not Josiah of Amon, was not Isaiah of Amos, was not Jeremiah of Hilkiah, was not Ezekiel of Buzi? Had not each a father as author of his existence? Who, then, is he that is born of a virgin only? For the prophet made exceeding much of this sign. Or whose birth did a star in the skies forerun, to announce to the world him that was born? For when Moses was born, he was hid by his parents; David was not heard of, even by those of his neighborhood, inasmuch as even the great Samuel knew him not, but asked had Jesse yet another son? Abraham, again, became known to his neighbors as a great man only subsequently to his birth. But of Christ's birth the witness was not man, but a star in that heaven whence he was descending. 36. But what king that ever was, before he had strength to call father or mother, reigned and gained triumphs over his enemies? Did not David come to the throne at thirty years of age, and Solomon, when he had grown to be a young man? Did not Joash enter on the kingdom when seven years old, and Josiah, a still later king, receive the government about the seventh year of his age? And yet they at that age had strength to call father or mother. Who, then, is there that was reigning and spoiling his enemies almost before his birth? Or what king of this sort has ever been in Israel and in Judah—let the Jews, who have searched out the matter, tell us—in whom all the 57

Isa. 11:10.

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nations have placed their hopes and had peace, instead of being at enmity with them on every side? For as long as Jerusalem stood there was war without respite betwixt them, and they all fought with Israel; the Assyrians oppressed them, the Egyptians persecuted them, the Babylonians fell upon them; and, strange to say, they had even the Syrians their neighbors at war against them. Or did not David war against them of Moab, and smite the Syrians, Josiah guard against his neighbors, and Hezekiah quail at the boasting of Sennacherib, and Amalek make war against Moses, and the Amorites oppose him, and the inhabitants of Jericho array themselves against Joshua, son of Nun? And, in a word, treaties of friendship had no place between the nations and Israel. Who, then, it is on whom the nations are to set their hope, it is worth-while to see. For there must be such a one, as it is impossible for the prophet to have spoken falsely. But which of the holy prophets or of the early patriarchs has died on the cross for the salvation of all? Or who was wounded and destroyed for the healing of all? Or which of the righteous men, or kings, went down to Egypt, so that at his coming the idols of Egypt fell? For Abraham went thither, but idolatry prevailed universally all the same. Moses was born there, and the deluded worship of the people was there none the less. 37. Or who among those recorded in Scripture was pierced in the hands and feet, or hung at all upon a tree, and was sacrificed on a cross for the salvation of all? For Abraham died, ending his life on a bed; Isaac and Jacob also died with their feet raised on a bed; Moses and Aaron died on the mountain; David in his house, without being the object of any conspiracy at the hands of the people; true, he was pursued by Saul, but he was preserved unhurt. Isaiah was sawn asunder, but not hung on a tree. Jeremiah was shamefully treated, but did not die under condemnation; Ezekiel suffered, not however for the people, but to indicate what was to come upon the people. Again, these, even where they suffered, were men resembling all in their common nature; but he that is declared in Scripture to suffer on behalf of all is called not merely man, but the Life of all, albeit he was in fact like men in nature. For "ye shall see," it says, "your Life hanging before your eyes"; and "who shall declare his generation?"58 For one can ascertain the genealogy of all the saints, and declare it from the beginning, and of whom each was born; but the generation of him that 5 8 Deut. 28:66; Isa. 53:8.

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is the Life the Scriptures refer to as not to be declared. Who, then, is he of whom the divine Scriptures say this? Or who is so great that even the prophets predict of him such great things? None else, now, is found in the Scriptures but the common Saviour of all, the Word of God, our Lord Jesus Christ. For he it is that proceeded from a virgin and appeared as man on the earth, and whose generation after the flesh cannot be declared. For there is none that can tell his father after the flesh, his body not being of a man, but of a virgin alone; so that no one can declare the corporeal generation of the Saviour from a man in the same way as one can draw up a genealogy of David and of Moses and of all the patriarchs. For he it is that caused the star also to mark the birth of his body; since it was fit that the Word, coming down from heaven, should have his constellation also from heaven, and it was fitting that the king of creation when he came forth should be openly recognized by all creation. Why, he was born in Judaea, and men from Persia came to worship him. He it is that even before his appearing in the body won the victory over his demon adversaries and a triumph over idolatry. All heathen at any rate from every region, abjuring their hereditary tradition and the impiety of idols, are now placing their hope in Christ, and enrolling themselves under him, the like of which you may see with your own eyes. For at no other time has the impiety of the Egyptians ceased, save when the Lord of all, riding as it were upon a cloud, came down there in the body and brought to nought the delusion of idols, and brought over all to himself, and through himself to the Father. 59 He it is that was crucified before the sun and all creation as witnesses, and before those who put him to death: and by his death has salvation come to all, and all creation been ransomed. He is the Life of all, and he it is that as a sheep yielded his body to death as a substitute, for the salvation of all, even though the Jews believe it not. 38. For if they do not think these proofs sufficient, let them be persuaded at any rate by other reasons, drawn from the oracles they themselves possess. For of whom do the prophets say: "I was made manifest to them that sought me not; I was found of them that asked not for me: I said, Behold, here am I, to the nation that had not called upon my name. I stretched 59

Referring both to the visit of the holy family to Egypt, and legends of the fall of idols before them—cf. Gospel of Pseudo-Matthew 22-24 (M. R. James, Apocryphal New Testament, pp. 75, 76)—and the contemporary spread of the gospel in Egypt.

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out my hands to a disobedient and gainsaying people" 60 ? Who, then, one might say to the Jews, is he that was made manifest? For if it is the prophet, let them say when he was hid, afterward to appear again. And what manner of prophet is this, that was not only made manifest from obscurity, but also stretched out his hands on the cross? None surely of the righteous, save the Word of God only, who, incorporeal by nature, appeared for our sakes in the body and suffered for all. Or if not even this is sufficient for them, let them at least be silenced by another proof, seeing how clear its demonstrative force is. For the Scripture says: "Be strong ye hands that hang down, and feeble knees; comfort ye, ye of faint mind; be strong, fear not. Behold, our God recompenseth judgment; he shall come and save us. Then shall the eyes of the blind be opened, and the ears of the deaf shall hear; then shall the lame man leap as an hart, and the tongue of the stammerers shall be plain." 61 Now what can they say to this, or how can they dare to face this at all? For the prophecy not only indicates that God is to sojourn here, but it announces the signs and the time of his coming. For they connect the blind recovering their sight, and the lame walking, and the deaf hearing, and the tongue of the stammerers being made plain, with the divine coming which is to take place. Let them say, then, when such signs have come to pass in Israel, or where in Judah anything of the sort has occurred. Naaman, a leper, was cleansed, but no deaf man heard nor lame walked. Elijah raised a dead man; so did Elisha; but none blind from birth regained his sight. For in good truth, to raise a dead man is a great thing, but it is not like the wonder wrought by the Saviour. Only, if Scripture has not passed over the case of the leper, and of the dead son of the widow, certainly, had it come to pass that a lame man also had walked and a blind man recovered his sight, the narrative would not have omitted to mention this also. Since, then, nothing is said in the Scriptures, it is evident that these things had never taken place before. When, then, have they taken place, save when the Word of God himself came in the body? Or when did he come, if not when lame men walked, and stammerers were made to speak plain, and deaf men heard, and men blind from birth regained their sight? For this was the very thing the Jews said who then witnessed it, because they had not heard of these things having taken place at any other time: "Since the world began it was never heard that 60

Isa. 65:1, a (Rom. 10:20, 21).

«i Isa. 35:3-6.

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any one opened the eyes of a man born blind. If this man were not from God, he could do nothing." 62 39. But perhaps, being unable, even they, to fight continually against plain facts, they will, without denying what is written, maintain that they are looking for these things, and that the Word of God is not yet come. For this it is on which they are forever harping, not blushing to brazen it out in the face of plain facts. But on this one point, above all, they shall be all the more refuted, not at our hands, but at those of the most wise Daniel, who marks both the actual date and the divine sojourn of the Saviour, saying: "Seventy weeks are cut short upon thy people, and upon the holy city, for a full end to be made of sin, and for sins to be sealed up, and to blot out iniquities, and to make atonement for iniquities, and to bring everlasting righteousness, and to seal vision and prophet, and to anoint a Holy of Holies; and thou shalt know and understand from the going forth of the word to restore and to build Jerusalem unto Christ the Prince." 63 Perhaps with regard to the other [prophecies] they may be able even to find excuses and to put off what is written to a future time. But what can they say to this, or can they face it at all? Where not only is the Christ referred to, but he that is to be anointed is declared to be not man simply, but Holy of Holies; and Jerusalem is to stand till his coming, and thenceforth prophet and vision cease in Israel. David was anointed of old, and Solomon and Hezekiah; but then, nevertheless, Jerusalem and the place stood, and prophets were prophesying: Gad and Asaph and Nathan; and, later, Isaiah and Hosea and Amos and others. And again, the actual men that were anointed were called holy, and not Holy of Holies. But if they shield themselves with the Captivity, and say that because of it Jerusalem was not, what can they say about the prophets too? For in fact when first the people went down to Babylon, Daniel and Jeremiah were there, and Ezekiel and Haggai and Zechariah were prophesying. 40. So the Jews are trifling, and the time in question, which they refer to the future, is actually come. For when did prophet and vision cease from Israel, save when Christ came, the Holy of Holies? For it is a sign, and an important proof, of the coming of the Word of God, that Jerusalem no longer stands, nor is any prophet raised up nor vision revealed to them—and that very naturally. For when he that was signified was come, what need was there any longer of any to signify him? When « John 9:32, 33.

« Dan. 9:24, 25.

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the truth was there, what need any more of the shadow? For this was the reason of their prophesying at all—namely, till the true righteousness should come, and he that was to ransom the sins of all. And this was why Jerusalem stood till then— namely, that there they might be exercised in the types as a preparation for the reality. So when the Holy of Holies was come, naturally vision and prophecy were sealed and the kingdom of Jerusalem ceased. For kings were to be anointed among them only until the Holy of Holies should have been anointed; and Jacob prophesies that the kingdom of the Jews should be established until him, as follows: "The ruler shall not fail from Judah, nor the Prince from his loins, until that which is laid up for him shall come; and he is the expectation of the nations." 64 Whence the Saviour also himself cried aloud and said, "The law and the prophets prophesied until John." 65 If, then, there is now among the Jews king or prophet or vision, they do well to deny the Christ that is come. But if there is neither king nor vision, but from that time forth all prophecy is sealed and the city and temple taken, why are they so irreligious and so perverse as to see what has happened, and yet to deny Christ, who has brought it all to pass? Or why, when they see even heathen deserting their idols, and placing their hope, through Christ, on the God of Israel, do they deny Christ, who was born of the root of Jesse after the flesh and henceforth is king? For if the nations were worshiping some other god, and not confessing the God of Abraham and Isaac and Jacob and Moses, then, once more, they would be doing well in alleging that God had not come. But if the Gentiles are honoring the same God that gave the law to Moses and made the promise to Abraham, and whose word the Jews dishonored—why are they ignorant, or rather why do they choose to ignore, that the Lord foretold by the Scriptures has shone forth upon the world, and appeared to it in bodily form, as the Scripture said: "The Lord God hath shined upon us" 66; and again: "He sent his Word and healed them" 67; and again: "Not a messenger, not an angel, but the Lord himself saved them" 68? Their state may be compared to that of one out of his right mind, who sees the earth illumined by the sun but denies the sun that illumines it. For what more is there for him whom they expect to do when he is come? To call the heathen? But they are called already. To make prophecy, and king, and vision to cease? This too has already «4 Gen. 49:10. «« Ps. 118: 27.

65 Matt. 11:13 (Luke 16:16). «7 Ps. 107:20. «8 Isa. 63:9 (LXX)

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come to pass. To expose the godlessness of idolatry? It is already exposed and condemned. Or to destroy death? He is already destroyed. What, then, has not come to pass that the Christ must do? What is left unfulfilled, that the Jews should now disbelieve with impunity? For if, I say—which is just what we actually see—there is no longer king, nor prophet, nor Jerusalem, nor sacrifice, nor vision, among them, but even the whole earth is filled with the knowledge of God, and Gentiles, leaving their godlessness, are now taking refuge with the God of Abraham, through the Word, even our Lord Jesus Christ, then it must be plain, even to those who are exceedingly obstinate, that the Christ is come, and that he has illumined absolutely all with his light, and given them the true and divine teaching concerning his Father. So one can fairly refute the Jews by these and by other arguments from the divine Scriptures. REPLY TO OBJECTIONS: GREEK

41. But one cannot but be utterly astonished at the Gentiles, who, while they laugh at what is no matter for jesting, are themselves insensible to their own disgrace, which they do not see that they have set up in the shape of stocks and stones. Only, as our argument is not lacking in demonstrative proof, come let us put them also to shame on reasonable grounds— mainly from what we ourselves also see. For what is there on our side that is absurd, or worthy of derision? Is it merely our saying that the Word has been made manifest in the body? But this even they will join in owning to have happened without any absurdity, if they show themselves friends of truth. If, then, they deny that there is a Word of God at all, they do so gratuitously, jesting at what they know not. But if they confess that there is a Word of God, and he ruler of the universe, and that in him the Father has produced the creation, and that by his providence the whole receives light and life and being, and that he reigns over all, so that from the works of his providence he is known, and through him the Father—consider, I pray you, whether they be not unwittingly raising the jest against themselves. The philosophers of the Greeks say that the universe is a great body; and rightly so. For we see it and its parts as objects of our senses. If, then, the Word of God is in the universe, which is a body, and has united himself with the whole and with all its parts, what is there surprising or absurd

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if we say that he has united himself with man also. For if it were absurd for him to have been in a body at all, it would be absurd for him to be united with the whole either, and to be giving light and movement to all things by his providence. For the whole also is a body. But if it beseems him to unite himself with the universe, and to be made known in the whole, it must beseem him also to appear in a human body, and that by him it should be illumined and work. For mankind is part of the whole as well as the rest. And if it be unseemly for a part to have been adopted as his instrument to teach men of his Godhead, it must be most absurd that he should be made known even by the whole universe. 42. For just as, while the whole body is quickened and illumined by man, supposing one said it were absurd that man's power should also be in the toe, he would be thought foolish; because, while granting that he pervades and works in the whole, he demurs to his being in the part also; thus he who grants and believes that the Word of God is in the whole universe, and that the whole is illumined and moved by him, should not think it absurd that a single human body also should receive movement and light from him. But if it is because the human race is a thing created and has been made out of nothing, that they regard that manifestation of the Saviour in man, which we speak of, as not seemly, it is high time for them to eject him from creation also; for it too has been brought into existence by the Word out of nothing. But if, even though creation be a thing made, it is not absurd that the Word should be in it, then neither is it absurd that he should be in man. For whatever idea they form of the whole, they must necessarily apply the like idea to the part. For man also, as I said before, is a part of the whole. Thus it is not at all unseemly that the Word should be in man, while all things are deriving from him their light and movement and light, as also their authors say, "In him we live and move and have our being." 69 So, then, what is there to scoff at in what we say, if the Word has used that wherein he is as an instrument to manifest himself? For were he not in it, neither could he have used it; but if we have previously allowed that he is in the whole and in its parts, what is there incredible in his manifesting himself in that wherein he is? For by his own power he is united wholly with each and all, and orders all things without stint, so that no one could have called it out of place for him to speak, and «»Acts 17:28.

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make known himself and his Father, by means of sun, if he so willed, or moon, or heaven, or earth, or waters, or fire; inasmuch as he holds in one all things at once, and is in fact not only in all, but also in the part in question, and there invisibly manifests himself. In like manner, it cannot be absurd if, ordering as he does the whole, and giving life to all things, and having willed to make himself known through men, he has used as his instrument a human body to manifest the truth and knowledge of the Father. For humanity too is an actual part of the whole. And as mind, pervading man all through, is interpreted by a part of the body—I mean the tongue—without anyone saying, I suppose, that the essence of the mind is on that account lowered, so if the Word, pervading all things, has used a human instrument, this cannot appear unseemly. For, as I have said previously, if it be unseemly to have used a body as an instrument, it is unseemly also for him to be in the whole. 43. Now, if they ask, Why, then, did he not appear by means of other and nobler parts of creation, and use some nobler instrument, as the sun, or moon, or stars, or fire, or air, instead of man merely? let them know that the Lord came not to make a display, but to heal and teach those who were suffering. For the way for one aiming at display would be, just to appear, and to dazzle the beholders; but for one seeking to heal and teach the way is, not simply to sojourn here, but to give himself to the aid of those in want, and to appear as they who need him can bear it; that he may not, by exceeding the requirements of the sufferers, trouble the very persons that need him, rendering God's appearance useless to them. Now, nothing in creation had gone astray with regard to their notions of God, save man only. Why, neither sun, nor moon, nor heaven, nor the stars, nor water, nor air had swerved from their order; but knowing their artificer and sovereign, the Word, they remain as they were made. But men alone, having rejected what was good, then devised things of nought instead of the truth, and have ascribed the honor due to God, and their knowledge of him, to demons and men in the shape of stones. With reason, then, since it were unworthy of the divine goodness to overlook so grave a matter, while yet men were not able to recognize him as ordering and guiding the whole, he takes to himself as an instrument a part of the whole, his human body, and unites himself with that, in order that since men could not recognize him in the whole, they should not fail to know him in the part; and since they could not look up to his invisible power, might be able, at any CL.t.

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rate, from what resembled themselves to reason to him and to contemplate him. For, men as they are, they will be able to know his Father more quickly and directly by a body of like nature and by the divine works wrought through it, judging by comparison that they are not human but the works of God which are done by him. And if it were absurd, as they say, for the Word to be known through the works of the body, it would likewise be absurd for him to be known through the works of the universe. For just as he is in creation, and yet does not partake of its nature in the least degree, but rather all things partake of his power, so, while he used the body as his instrument, he partook of no corporeal property, but, on the contrary, himself sanctified even the body. For if even Plato, who is in such repute among the Greeks, says that its author, beholding the universe tempest-tossed, and in peril of going down to the place of chaos, takes his seat at the helm of the soul and comes to the rescue and corrects all its calamities,70 what is there incredible in what we say, that, mankind being in error, the Word lighted down upon it and appeared as man, that he might save it in its tempest by his guidance and goodness? 44. But perhaps, shamed into agreeing with this, they will choose to say that God, if he wished to reform and to save mankind, ought to have done so by a mere fiat, without his Word taking a body, in just the same way as he did formerly, when he produced them out of nothing. To this objection of theirs a reasonable answer would be: that formerly, nothing being in existence at all, what was needed to make everything was a fiat and the bare will to do so. But when man had once been made, and necessity demanded a cure, not for things that were not, but for things that had come to be, it was naturally consequent that the physician and Saviour should appear in what had come to be, in order also to cure the things that were. For this cause, then, he has become man, and used his body as a human instrument. For if this were not the right way, how was the Word, choosing to use an instrument, to appear? or whence was he to take it, save from those already in being, and in need of his Godhead by means of one like themselves? For it was not things without being that needed salvation, so that a bare command should suffice, but man, already in existence, was going to corruption and ruin. It was then natural and right that the Word should use a human instrument and reveal himself everywhither. Secondly, you 70 Politicus 273 D.

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must know this also, that the corruption which had set in was not external to the body, but had become attached to it; and it was required that, instead of corruption, life should cleave to it; so that, just as death has been engendered in the body, so life may be engendered in it also. Now if death were external to the body, it would be proper for life also to have been engendered externally to it. But if death was wound closely to the body and was ruling over it as though united to it, it was required that life also should be wound closely to the body, that so the body, by putting on life in its stead, should cast off corruption. Besides, even supposing that the Word had come outside the body, and not in it, death would indeed have been defeated by him, in perfect accordance with nature, inasmuch as death has no power against the life; but the corruption attached to the body would have remained in it none the less. For this cause the Saviour reasonably put on him a body, in order that the body, becoming bound closely to the Life,71 should no longer, as mortal, abide in death, but, as having put on immortality, should thenceforth rise again and remain immortal. For, once it had put on corruption, it could not have risen again unless it had put on life. And death likewise could not, from its very nature, appear save in the body. Therefore he put on a body that he might find death in the body and blot it out. For how could the Lord have been proved at all to be the Life, had he not quickened what was mortal? And just as, whereas stubble is naturally destructible by fire, supposing [firstly] a man keeps fire away from the stubble, though it is not burned, yet the stubble remains, for all that, merely stubble, fearing the threat of the fire—for fire has the natural property of consuming it; while if a man [secondly] encloses it with a quantity of asbestos, the substance said to be an antidote to fire, the stubble no longer dreads the fire, being secured by its enclosure in incombustible matter; in this very way one may say, with regard to the body and death, that if death had been kept from the body by a mere command on his part, it would none the less have been mortal and corruptible, according to the nature of bodies; but, that this should not be, it put on the incorporeal Word of God, and thus no longer fears either death or corruption, for it has life as a garment, and corruption is done away in it. 45. Consistently, therefore, the Word of God took a body and has made use of a human instrument, in order to quicken 71 Or simply, "To life."

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the body also, and as he is known in creation by his works so to work in man as well, and to show himself everywhere, leaving nothing void of his own divinity and of the knowledge of him. For I resume, and repeat what I said before, that the Saviour did this in order that, as he fills all things on all sides by his presence, so also he might fill all things with the knowledge of him, as the divine Scripture also says, "The whole earth was filled with the knowledge of the Lord." 72 For if a man will but look up to heaven, he sees its order, or if he cannot raise his face to heaven, but only to man, he sees his power, beyond comparison with that of men, shown by his works, and learns that he alone among men is God the Word. Or if a man is gone astray among demons, and is in fear of them, he may see this man drive them out, and make up his mind that he is their master. Or if a man has sunk to the waters, and thinks that they are God—as the Egyptians, for instance, reverence the water —he may see its nature changed by him, and learn that the Lord is Creator of the waters. But if a man is gone down even to Hades, and stands in awe of the heroes who have descended thither, regarding them as gods, yet he may see the fact of Christ's resurrection and victory over death, and infer that among them also Christ alone is true God and Lord. For the Lord touched all parts of creation, and freed and undeceived all of them from every illusion; as Paul says, "Having put off from himself the principalities and the powers, he triumphed on the cross" 73; that no one might by any possibility be any longer deceived, but everywhere might find the true Word of God. For thus man, shut in on every side, and beholding the divinity of the Word unfolded everywhere, that is, in heaven, in Hades, in man, upon earth, is no longer exposed to deceit concerning God, but is to worship Christ alone, and through him come rightly to know the Father. By these arguments, then, on grounds of reason, the Gentiles in their turn will fairly be put to shame by us. But if they deem the arguments insufficient to shame them, let them be assured of what we are saying at any rate by facts obvious to the sight of all. 46. When did men begin to desert the worshiping of idols, save since God, the true Word of God, has come among men? Or when have the oracles among the Greeks, and everywhere, ceased and become empty, save when the Saviour has manifested himself upon earth? Or when did those who are called gods and heroes in the poets begin to be convicted of being 7

* Isa. 11:9.

73 Or, "Stripping naked the principalities" (Col. 2:15).

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merely mortal men, save since the Lord effected his conquest of death, and preserved incorruptible the body he had taken, raising it from the dead? Or when did the deceitfulness and madness of demons fall into contempt, save when the power of God, the Word, the master of all these as well, condescending because of man's weakness, appeared on earth? Or when did the art and the schools of magic begin to be trodden down, save when the divine manifestation of the Word took place among men? And, in a word, at what time has the wisdom of the Greeks become foolish, save when the true Wisdom of God manifested itself on earth? For formerly the whole world and every place was led astray by the worshiping of idols, and men regarded nothing else but the idols as gods. But now, all the world over, men are deserting the superstition of the idols, and taking refuge with Christ; and, worshiping him as God, are by his means coming to know that Father also whom they knew not. And, marvelous fact, whereas the objects of worship were various and of vast number, and each place had its own idol, and he who was accounted a god among them had no power to pass over to the neighboring place, so as to persuade those of neighboring peoples to worship him, but. was barely served even among his own people; for no one else worshiped his neighbor's god—on the contrary, each man kept to his own idol, thinking it to be lord of all—Christ alone is worshiped as one and the same among all peoples; and what the weakness of the idols could not do—to persuade, namely, even those dwelling close at hand—this Christ has done, persuading not only those close at hand, but simply the entire world, to worship one and the same Lord, and through him God, even his Father. 47. And whereas formerly every place was full of the deceit of the oracles, and the oracles at Delphi and Dodona, and in Boeotia and Lycia and Libya and Egypt and those of the Cabiri, and the Pythoness, were held in repute by men's imagination, now, since Christ has begun to be preached everywhere, their madness also has ceased and there is none among them to divine any more. And whereas formerly demons used to deceive men's fancy, occupying springs or rivers, trees or stones, and thus imposed upon the simple by their juggleries; now, after the divine visitation of the Word, their deception has ceased. For by the sign of the cross, though a man but use it, he drives out their deceits. And while formerly men held to be gods Zeus and Cronos and Apollo and the heroes mentioned

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in the poets, and went astray in honoring them, now that the Saviour has appeared among men, those others have been exposed as mortal men, and Christ alone has been recognized among men as the true God, the Word of God. And what is one to say of the magic esteemed among them? that before the Word sojourned among us this was strong and active among Egyptians, and Chaldeans, and Indians, and inspired awe in those who saw it; but that by the presence of the truth, and the appearing of the Word, it also has been thoroughly confuted, and brought wholly to nought. But as to Gentile wisdom, and the sounding pretensions of the philosophers, I think none can need our argument, since the wonder is before the eyes of all that while the wise among the Greeks had written so much, and were unable to persuade even a few from their own neighborhood, concerning immortality and a virtuous life, Christ alone, by ordinary language and by men not clever with the tongue, has throughout all the world persuaded whole churches 74 full of men to despise death, and to mind the things of immortality; to overlook what is temporal and to turn their eyes to what is eternal; to think nothing of earthly glory and to strive only for the heavenly. 48. Now these arguments of ours do not amount merely to words, but have in actual experience a witness to their truth. For let him that will, go up and behold the proof of virtue in the virgins of Christ and in the young men that practice holy chastity, and the assurance of immortality in so great a band of his martyrs. And let him come who would test by experience what we have now said, and in the very presence of the deceit of demons and the imposture of oracles and the marvels of magic let him use the sign of that cross which is laughed at among them, and he shall see how by its means demons fly, oracles cease, all magic and witchcraft is brought to nought. Who, then, and how great is this Christ, who by his own name and presence casts into the shade and brings to nought all things on every side, and is alone strong against all, and has filled the whole world with his teaching? Let the Greeks tell us, who are pleased to laugh, and blush not. For if he is a man, how, then, has one man exceeded the power of all whom even themselves hold to be gods, and convicted them by his own power of being nothing? But if they call him a magician, how can it be that by a magician all magic is destroyed, instead of being confirmed? For if he conquered particular magicians, or 74 The word can also be taken nontechnically—"assemblies."

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prevailed over one only, it would be proper for them to hold that he excelled the rest by superior skill; but if his cross has won the victory over absolutely all magic, and over the very name of it, it must be plain that the Saviour is not a magician, seeing that even those demons who are invoked by the other magicians fly from him as their master. Who he is, then, let the Greeks tell us, whose only serious pursuit is jesting. Perhaps they might say that he too was a demon, and hence his strength. But say this as they will, they will have the laugh against them, for they can once more be put to shame by our former proofs. For how is it possible that he should be a demon who drives the demons out? For if he simply drove out particular demons, it might properly be held that by the chief of demons he prevailed against the lesser, just as the Jews said to him when they wished to insult him.75 But if, by his name being named, all madness of the demons is uprooted and chased away, it must be evident that here too they are wrong, and that our Lord and Saviour Christ is not, as they think, some demoniacal power. Then, if the Saviour is neither a man simply nor a magician nor some demon, but has by his own Godhead brought to nought and cast into the shade both the doctrine found in the poets and the delusion of the demons, and the wisdom of the Gentiles, it must be plain, and will be owned by all, that this is the true Son of God, even the Word and Wisdom and Power of the Father from the beginning. For this is why his works also are no works of man, but are recognized to be above man, and truly God's works, both from the facts in themselves and from comparison with [the rest of] mankind. 49. For what man that ever was born formed a body for himself from a virgin alone? Or what man ever healed such diseases as the common Lord of all? Or who has restored what was wanting to man's nature, and made one blind from his birth to see? Asclepius was deified among them, because he practiced medicine and found out herbs for bodies that were sick, not forming them himself out of the earth, but discovering them by science drawn from nature. But what is this to what was done by the Saviour, in that, instead of healing a wound, he modified a man's original nature and restored the body whole. Heracles is worshiped as a god among the Greeks because he fought against men, his peers, and destroyed wild beasts by guile. What is this to what was done by the Word, in driving away from man diseases and demons and death 75 Matt. 9:34 (12:24; Luke 11:15).

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itself? Dionysus is worshiped among them because he has taught man drunkenness; but the true Saviour and Lord of all, for teaching temperance, is mocked by these people.76 But let these matters pass. What will they say to the other miracles of his Godhead? At what man's death was the sun darkened and the earth shaken? Lo, even to this day men are dying, and they died also of old. When did any suchlike wonder happen in their case? Or, to pass over the deeds done through his body, and mention those after its rising again: What man's doctrine that ever was has prevailed everywhere, one and the same, from one end of the earth to the other, so that his worship has winged its way through every land? Or why, if Christ is, as they say, a man, and not God the Word, is not his worship prevented by the gods they have from passing into the same land where they are? Or why on the contrary does the Word himself, sojourning here, by his teaching stop their worship and put their deception to shame? 50. Many before this man have been kings and tyrants of the world; many are on record who have been wise men and magicians, among the Chaldeans and Egyptians and Indians; which of these, I say, not after death, but while still alive, was ever able so far to prevail as to fill the whole earth with his teaching and reform so great a multitude from the superstition of idols as our Saviour has brought over from idols to himself? The philosophers of the Greeks have composed many works with plausibility and verbal skill; what result, then, have they exhibited so great as has the cross of Christ? For the refinements they taught were plausible enough till they died; but even the influence they seemed to have while alive was subject to their mutual rivalries; and they were emulous, and declaimed against one another. But the Word of God, most strange fact, teaching in meaner language, has cast into the shade the choice sophists; and while he has, by drawing all to himself, brought their schools to nought, he has filled his own churches; and the marvelous thing is, that by going down as man to death, he has brought to nought the sounding utterances of the wise concerning idols. For whose death ever drove out demons? or whose death did demons ever fear, as they did that of Christ? For where the Saviour's name is named, there every demon is driven out. Or who has so rid men of the passions of the natural man that whoremongers are chaste, and murderers no longer 76 Cf. the different treatment of the same figures in Justin Martyr, First Apology, 21.

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hold the sword, and those who were formerly mastered by cowardice play the man? And, in short, who persuaded men of barbarous countries and heathen men in divers places to lay aside their madness, and to mind peace, if it be not the faith of Christ and the sign of the cross? Or who else has given men such assurance of immortality as has the cross of Christ, and the resurrection of his body? For although the Greeks have told all manner of false tales, yet they were not able to feign a resurrection of their idols—for it never crossed their mind whether it be at all possible for the body again to exist after death. And here one would most especially accept their testimony, inasmuch as by this opinion they have exposed the weakness of their own idolatry, while leaving the possibility open to Christ, so that hence also he might be made known among all as Son of God. 51. Which of mankind, again, after his death, or else while living, taught concerning virginity, and that this virtue was not impossible among men? But Christ, our Saviour and king of all, had such power in his teaching concerning it that even children not yet arrived at the lawful age vow that virginity which lies beyond the law. What man has ever yet been able to pass so far as to come among Scythians and Ethiopians, or Persians or Armenians or Goths, or those we hear of beyond the ocean or those beyond Hyrcania, or even the Egyptians and Chaldeans, men that mind magic and are superstitious beyond nature and savage in their ways, and to preach at all about virtue and self-control, and against the worshiping of idols, as has the Lord of all, the Power of God, our Lord Jesus Christ? Who not only preached by means of his own disciples, but also carried persuasion to men's mind, to lay aside the fierceness of their manners and no longer to serve their ancestral gods, but to learn to know him, and through him to worship the Father. For formerly, while in idolatry, Greeks and Barbarians used to war against each other, and were actually cruel to their own kin. For it was impossible for anyone to cross sea or land at all without arming the hand with swords, because of their implacable righting among themselves. For the whole course of their life was carried on by arms, and the sword with them took the place of a staff, and was their support in every emergency; and still, as I said before, they were serving idols, and offering sacrifices to demons, while for all their idolatrous superstition they could not be reclaimed from this spirit. But when they have come over to the school of Christ, then,

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strangely enough, as men truly pricked in conscience, they have laid aside the savagery of their murders and no longer mind the things of war; but all is at peace with them, and from henceforth what makes for friendship is to their liking. 52. Who, then, is he that has done this, or who is he that has united in peace men that hated one another, save the beloved Son of the Father, the common Saviour of all, even Jesus Christ, who by his own love underwent all things for our salvation? For even from of old it was prophesied of the peace he was to usher in, where the Scripture says: "They shall beat their swords into plowshares, and their pikes into sickles, and nation shall not take the sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any more." 77 And this is at least not incredible, inasmuch as even now those Barbarians who have an innate savagery of manners, while they still sacrifice to the idols of their country, are mad against one another, and cannot endure to be a single hour without weapons; but when they hear the teaching of Christ, straightway instead of fighting they turn to husbandry, and instead of arming their hands with weapons they raise them in prayer, and in a word, in place of fighting among themselves henceforth they arm against the devil and against evil spirits, subduing these by self-restraint and virtue of soul. Now this is at once a proof of the divinity of the Saviour, since what men could not learn among idols they have learned from him, and no small exposure of the weakness and nothingness of demons and idols. For demons, knowing their own weakness, for this reason formerly set men to make war against one another, lest, if they ceased from mutual strife, they should turn to battle against demons. Why, they who become disciples of Christ, instead of warring with each other, stand arrayed against demons by their habits and their virtuous actions, and they rout them and mock at their captain the devil; so that in youth they are self-restrained, in temptations endure, in labors persevere, when insulted are patient, when robbed make light of it, and, wonderful as it is, they despise even death and become martyrs of Christ. 53. And, to mention one proof of the divinity of the Saviour which is indeed utterly surprising, what mere man or magician or tyrant or king was ever able by himself to engage with so many, and to fight the battle against all idolatry and the whole demoniacal host and all magic, and all the wisdom of the Greeks, while they were so strong and still nourishing and " Isa. 2:4 (Micah 4:3).

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imposing upon all, and at one onset to check them all, as was our Lord, the true Word of God, who, invisibly exposing each man's error, is by himself bearing off all men from them all, so that while they who were worshiping idols now trample upon them, those in repute for magic burn their books, and the wise prefer to all studies the interpretation of the Gospels? For whom they used to worship, them they are deserting, and whom they used to mock as one crucified, him they worship as Christ, confessing him to be God. And they that are called gods among them are routed by the sign of the cross, while the crucified Saviour is proclaimed in all the world as God and the Son of God. And the gods worshiped among the Greeks are falling into ill repute at their hands, as scandalous beings, while those who receive the teaching of Christ live a chaster life than they. If, then, these and the like are human works, let him who will point out similar works on the part of men of former time, and so convince us. But if they prove to be, and are, not men's works, but God's, why are the unbelievers so irreligious as not to recognize the master that wrought them? For their case is as though a man, from the works of creation, failed to know God their artificer. For if they knew his Godhead from his power over the universe, they would have known that the bodily works of Christ also are not human, but are the works of the Saviour of all, the Word of God. And did they thus know, "they would not," as Paul said, "have crucified the Lord of glory." 78 54. As, then, if a man should wish to see God, who is invisible by nature and not seen at all, he may know and apprehend him from his works, so let him who fails to see Christ with his understanding at least apprehend him by the works of his body, and test whether they be human works or God's works. And if they be human, let him scoff; but if they are not human, but of God, let him recognize it, and not laugh at what is no matter for scoffing; but rather let him marvel that by so ordinary a means things divine have been manifested to us, and that by death immortality has reached to all, and that by the Word becoming man, the universal providence has been known, and its giver and artificer the very Word of God. For he was made man that we might be made God 79 ; and he manifested himself by a body that we might receive the idea of the unseen Father; and he endured the insolence of men that 7si Cor. 2:8. 79 Or "divine"; literally, "He was humanized that we might be deified."

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we might inherit immortality. For while he himself was in no way injured, being impassible and incorruptible and very Word and God, men who were suffering, and for whose sakes he endured all this, he maintained and preserved in his own impassibility. And, in a word, the achievements of the Saviour, resulting from his becoming man, are of such kind and number that if one should wish to enumerate them he may be compared to men who gaze at the expanse of the sea and wish to count its waves. For as one cannot take in the whole of the waves with his eyes, for those which are coming on baffle the sense of him that attempts it, so for him that would take in all the achievements of Christ in the body, it is impossible to take in the whole, even by reckoning them up, as those which go beyond his thought are more than those he thinks he has taken in. Better is it, then, not to aim at speaking of the whole, where one cannot do justice even to a part, but, after mentioning one more, to leave the whole for you to marvel at. For all alike are marvelous, and wherever a man turns his glance, he may behold on that side the divinity of the Word, and be struck with exceeding great awe. EPILOGUE

55. This, then, after what we have so far said, it is right for you to realize, and to take as the sum of what we have already stated, and to marvel at exceedingly; namely, that since the Saviour has come among us, idolatry not only has no longer increased, but what there was is diminishing and gradually coming to an end; and not only does the wisdom of the Greeks no longer advance, but what there is is now fading away; and demons, so far from cheating any more by illusions and prophecies and magic arts, if they so much as dare to make the attempt, are put to shame by the sign of the cross. And, to sum the matter up, behold how the Saviour's doctrine is everywhere increasing, while all idolatry and everything opposed to the faith of Christ is daily dwindling, and losing power, and falling. And thus beholding, worship the Saviour, "who is above all" 80 and mighty, even God the Word, and condemn those who are being worsted and done away by him. For as, when the sun is come, darkness no longer prevails, but if any be still left anywhere it is driven away, so, now that the divine appearing of the Word of God is come, the darkness of the so Rom. 9:5.

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idols prevails no more, and all parts of the world in every direction are illumined by his teaching. And as, when a king is reigning in some country without appearing but keeps at home in his own house, often some disorderly persons, abusing his retirement, proclaim themselves; and each of them, by assuming the character, imposes on the simple as king, and so men are led astray by the name, hearing that there is a king, but not seeing him, if for no other reason, because they cannot enter the house; but when the real king comes forth and appears, then the disorderly impostors are exposed by his presence, while men, seeing the real king, desert those who previously led them astray: in like manner, the evil spirits formerly used to deceive men, investing themselves with God's honor; but when the Word of God appeared in a body, and made known to us his own Father, then at length the deceit of the evil spirits is done away and stopped, while men, turning their eyes to the true God, Word of the Father, are deserting the idols and now coming to know the true God. Now this is a proof that Christ is God the Word, and the Power of God. For whereas human things cease, and the Word of Christ abides, it is clear to all eyes that what ceases is temporary, but that he who abides is God, and the true Son of God, his onlybegotten Word. 56. Let this, Christ-loving man, then, be our offering to you, just for a rudimentary sketch and outline, in a short compass, of the faith of Christ and of his divine appearing to usward. But you, taking occasion by this, if you light upon the text of the Scriptures, by genuinely applying your mind to them, will learn from them more completely and clearly the exact detail of what we have said. For they were spoken and written by God, through men who spoke of God. But we impart of what we have learned from inspired teachers who have been conversant with them, who have also become martyrs for the deity of Christ, to your zeal for learning, in turn. And you will also learn about his second glorious and truly divine appearing to us, when no longer in lowliness but in his own glory, no longer in humble guise but in his own magnificence, he is to come, no more to suffer, but thenceforth to render to all the fruit of his own cross, that is, the resurrection and incorruption; and no longer to be judged, but to judge all, by what each has done in the body, whether good or evil; where there is laid up for the good the Kingdom of Heaven, but for them that have done evil everlasting fire and outer darkness. For thus the Lord

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himself also says, "Henceforth ye shall see the Son of Man sitting at the right hand of power, and coming on the clouds of heaven in the glory of the Father." 81 And for this very reason there is also a word of the Saviour to prepare us for that day, in these words: "Be ye ready and watch, for he cometh at an hour ye know not." 82 For, according to the blessed Paul, "We must all stand before the judgment seat of Christ, that each one may receive according as he hath done in the body, whether it be good or bad." 83 57. But for the searching of the Scriptures and true knowledge of them an honorable life is needed, and a pure soul, and that virtue which is according to Christ; so that the intellect, guiding its path by it, may be able to attain what it desires, and to comprehend it, in so far as it is accessible to human nature to learn concerning the Word of God. For without a pure mind and a modeling of the life after the saints a man could not possibly comprehend the words of the saints. For just as, if a man wished to see the light of the sun, he would at any rate wipe and brighten his eye, purifying himself in some sort like what he desires, so that the eye, thus becoming light, may see the light of the sun; or as, if a man would see a city or country, he at any rate comes to the place to see it—thus he that would comprehend the mind of those who speak of God must needs begin by washing and cleansing his soul, by his manner of living, and approach the saints themselves by imitating their works; so that, associated with them in the conduct of a common life, he may understand also what has been revealed to them by God, and thenceforth, as closely knit to them, may escape the peril of the sinners and their fire at the Day of Judgment, and receive what is laid up for the saints in the Kingdom of Heaven, which "eye hath not seen, nor ear heard, neither have entered into the heart of man," 84 whatsoever things are prepared for them that live a virtuous life, and love the God and the Father, in Christ Jesus our Lord: through whom and with whom be to the Father himself, with the Son himself, in the Holy Spirit, honor and might and glory for ever and ever. Amen. si Mark 14:62 (Matt. 26:64). " II Cor. 5:10; Rom. 14:10.

« Matt. 24:42. ** I Cor. 2:9 (Isa. 64:4).

GREGORY OF NAZIANZUS

Introduction to Gregory of N

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FATHERS

ARE

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glory of their province of east-central Asia Minor in the history of the Roman Empire as well as in that of the Church. Under the Republic and the early Empire, Cappadocia was a vassal kingdom. In A.D. 18 it became a province, but still retained some of the character of frontier territory. Its cities were relatively few, and except for the capital, Mazaca, renamed Caesarea, of little importance. Large areas of former royal domain became part of the imperial estates. The leading Cappadocian families were country gentlemen rather than Greek citizens. Their sons went to study rhetoric, law, or philosophy in the great centers of the Empire, and then returned to administer the family property or occupy the position to which they might be called in public life. From such a family in the neighboring province of Pontus to the north came the law student Gregory, who turned to the gospel instead under the teaching of Origen and returned to be the missionary bishop of his home town of Neocaesarea. From the stories of his miracles he was known in later times as the Wonder-worker. But the historical Gregory already illustrates the qualities that were to distinguish the Cappadocians—the combination of theological and practical interests, the union of ascetic piety and literary culture, and the devotion to the Church of abilities of leadership which might otherwise have led to important positions in civil life. From such a family, already Christian for several generations, came the elder Basil, a gentleman with properties in both Cappadocia and Pontus. Of his ten children, three became bishops—Basil of Caesarea, Gregory of Nyssa, and the youngest, 113

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Peter, of Sebasteia—and the devout life of their oldest sister, Macrina, won her, along with their affection, the reputation of sanctity. Basil was born about 330, probably at Caesarea. At about the same time his future friend and colleague saw the light of day in the smaller city of Nazianzus, or, rather, at his family's country home in the nearby village of Arianzus. His father also bore the confusingly popular Christian name of Gregorios, "the watchful" (cf. Matt. 24:42), but had adhered for some time to the Hypsistarii, "worshipers of the Most High," an obscure sect that practiced an eclectic cult. The elder Gregory was obviously a leading citizen of Nazianzus. When his wife's influence brought him into the Church, his baptism, administered in the presence of several bishops on their way to the Council of Nicaea, was rapidly followed by his consecration to the episcopate, apparently with no previous service as presbyter or deacon.1 Shortly after his ordination came the birth of his namesake.2 The world in which Gregory and Basil were growing up brought new conditions to their province as well as to the Church. On the highroad between the two centers of the Eastern Empire, Constantinople and Antioch, Cappadocia came more into the center of public affairs than at any other time in its history. Officials, imperial messengers, now and again a prefect or the emperor himself, passed through it. For Christians the age of the martyrs was still a vivid memory, but was rapidly being succeeded by that of the imperial Church, with its new set of problems. Persecution had produced martyrs; patronage was almost equally dangerous, and was met in turn by the protest of the monks. The Church was no longer wholly out of the world, and yet there was much doubt whether the Christian life could be lived in contact with the affairs of the world. Even devout families postponed the baptism of their sons, and gave them a pagan classical education. The young Gregory was still unbaptized when he began his higher studies at Caesarea and there met Basil. In the same condition the two friends went to Athens, the university town of the East, sometime about A.D. 350. Gregory has left us a vivid description of student life at Athens, with its hazing and parties, but fewer details of his 1 As narrated by his son in Oration 18, 5-16. 2 In his autobiographical poem Gregory has his father say that the son had not lived as long as the father had been a priest (Poems ii, 11, 512, )

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3

studies. But it is clear that at Athens Basil and Gregory met Christian as well as pagan learning, and found their way to an intelligent acceptance of the faith which their more conspicuous fellow student the prince Julian was preparing to renounce. It is worth reflecting that, though they came to opposite solutions, Gregory and Julian as men of their age shared a common spiritual and theological problem—what intermediary can put us surely in touch with the ineffable supreme being? Julian, like other pagan Neo-Platonists (and Arian Christians), resorted to deities of a lower rank than the ultimate: Gregory, to the eternal Son of the eternal Father, the "mediator between God and men, the man Christ Jesus."4 After some ten years of studies abroad Gregory returned home in 358 or 359. His baptism seems to have taken place at about this time, or perhaps in his last years at Athens. For a short time, just enough to show that his education was not wasted, he engaged in the teaching of rhetoric, and then prepared to give himself to the work of the Lord, either in monastic solitude or in some active work—he was for the rest of his life to move between the two. The next few years were spent partly in helping his now aged father at Nazianzus, partly with Basil in the monastic retreat he had set up on the family estate near Neocaesarea in Pontus. At the end of 361 the elder Gregory demanded his son's assistance in the ministry and almost forcibly ordained him to the presbyterate. Gregory fled to Pontus, partly in protest, partly for final preparation, then returned to Nazianzus and there preached his first sermon at Easter of 362. Though in a minor position in a small church, Gregory was now brought into contact with public events in Church and State. The apparent victory of Arianism under Constantius had just been ended by the pagan reaction of Julian's brief reign. The shift from a pagan to an orthodox emperor (Jovian), and then to another Arianizing ruler in the East (Valens, 365378), kept Church affairs in a state of confusion. Gregory secured a reconciliation between his father and the monks of Nazianzus, who had renounced the communion of their bishop on account of his temporary acceptance of the Arianizing Creed of Ariminum. He similarly reconciled Basil, now a presbyter of Caesarea, with his bishop, the timid Eusebius, and in 3 In his eulogy of Basil, Oration 43, 15-24. * I Tim. 2:5, a favorite text of the age; cf. Theological Orations, iv, 14, and Augustine, Confessions x, 43.

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370 helped to smooth the way for Basil's election as Eusebius' successor. Basil rapidly became a leading figure among the orthodox bishops of Asia Minor, expounding the faith in his sermons and treatises, laboring in the active ministry of his diocese and his monasteries, endeavoring by a correspondence that stretched as far as Rome to settle the personal misunderstandings that divided the adherents of the Nicene faith. The death of Athanasius in 373 left him the leader of orthodoxy in the East; at Caesarea he was almost a prince-bishop, with the "new city" of his charitable institutions rivaling the old town and with the numerous assistant bishops—Gregory with poetic license says fifty5—of his extensive diocese. It was not surprising that the division of the province of Cappadocia which Valens ordered in 371-372 was interpreted by Basil and his friends as an attack on the archbishop's position. The canons of Nicaea assumed that the civil province would also be an ecclesiastical unit, headed by the bishop of the metropolitan city. The new arrangement seems to have put all the cities of southern and western Cappadocia in the new province of Cappadocia Secunda, leaving only Caesarea itself and the imperial estates in Cappadocia Prima; the metropolitan bishop of the new province, Anthimus of Tyana, acquired a natural interest in supporting his own position. Basil embarked on the defense by planting his friends in old or new bishoprics, assuming their devotion to his cause, in which, as so often happens in human affairs, his own position and the principles for which he stood were inextricably combined. His brother Gregory became bishop of Nyssa, and Gregory of Nazianzus was destined for a new diocese set up in the disputed territory at the way station of Sasima—a dusty one-horse town, as he feelingly describes it. 6 Under protest he accepted consecration from Basil and his father, but in fact never took possession of the see of Sasima, where Anthimus was already in control. After this unhappy contretemps, for which Gregory never quite forgave his old friend, his active life seemed to be ending in tragedy. His brother and sister had died a few years before, and in 374 he lost his father and soon afterward his mother. For a short time he was acting pastor of the church of Nazianzus, but shortly left his native town and province for a life of retirement at Seleucia in the province of Isauria to the south 7 5 Poems ii, 11, 447, 448. « Poems ii, 11, 439-445Somewhat to Basil's annoyance, Epistle 217.

7

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From here the march of events suddenly brought him back to the center of Church and Empire. In August of 378, Valens was defeated and killed by the Goths at Adrianople, leaving as sole emperor his young nephew Gratian. Arian pressure was removed, but what would follow was uncertain. At this juncture Basil died, worn out by his labors and austerities, on January 1, 379, just missing the general victory of his cause. Three weeks later Gratian raised the Spanish general Theodosius to the purple and sent him to the East. With him the series of orthodox emperors of Byzantium was to begin. But even before Theodosius' policy was known, the time seemed ripe for revival of the depressed orthodox congregation at Constantinople. Gregory's knowledge and abilities were well known; he was free from obligations to another church; and the faithful of Constantinople and neighboring bishops called him to the capital. Were it not for his two years at Constantinople, Gregory would be an inconspicuous figure in Church history, if known to us at all. His work there, however, not only left its mark on external events, but made him known as one of the great teachers and preachers of the Church. In Constantinople, Arianism had been predominant for nearly forty years, and was itself divided into sects. Bishop Demophilus represented the Creed of Ariminum, while others followed Macedonius (expelled from the see of Constantinople in 360), whose followers were less conspicuous for Arian views on the Son than for the denial of the deity of the Holy Spirit; and still others, Bishop Eunomius of Cyzicus, who represented extreme Arianism with its profession to know all about the Son and his subordination to the Father. This school seems to have appealed, with its claim to settle these questions by simple reason, to what might be called the "village atheist" type of mind. It is of them in particular, at this time and place, that Gregory of Nyssa makes his famous remark that all public places were full of these amateur theologians, who, if you ask the price of bread, tell you that the Father is greater and the Son subject to him, and if you want to order a bath, reply that the Son is made out of nothing.8 8

On the Deity of the Son and Spirit (Migne, Patrologia Graeca, Vol. 46, col. 557), a reference which should, I think, be quoted as typical of Constantinople at this particular time rather than of the period generally. On the other hand, this kind of interest has been known to recur; some thirty years ago one of my own teachers, on arriving at Athens for study,

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The orthodox themselves, so long leaderless in the capital, were divided on personal matters. But at first all went well. Gregory began his ministry in a private chapel, which in honor of the resurrection of Christ, and as the scene of renewal of his Church, came to be called the Anastasia. Here in 379 and 380 Gregory's great discourses were delivered. He was at one time mobbed by Arians, and later troubled by an ecclesiastical adventurer named Maximus, who arrived as a rival claimant for the see under the patronage of the bishop of Alexandria. But Gregory's congregation grew, and meanwhile Theodosius had declared that he would recognize as orthodox bishops and legitimate holders of church property those who held the faith of the Trinity and were in communion with Rome or Alexandria. Deprived of official support, Arianism began to collapse, and few objected when after his arrival at Constantinople in November, 380, Theodosius expelled Demophilus, and Gregory and his congregation took over the imperial Church of the Holy Wisdom.9 In the following spring a council met at Constantinople to settle miscellaneous affairs of the Eastern Church. As more than provincial, this Council is called ecumenical, although it did not at the time claim the universal character which later acceptance gave to it. It apparently issued a statement of faith (not preserved), supporting Nicaea and, in what now appears as its first canon, condemning various heresies, old and new, especially those that had grown up in the different phases of the Arian controversy, Eunomianism and Macedonianism among them. It rejected the claims of Maximus and recognized Gregory as bishop of Constantinople. The difficult question of the schism at Antioch, where at this point two orthodox rivals competed, came before it. Meletius, who, with most of the Antiochene Church, had returned from Semi-Arianism to orthodoxy, presided at the opening of the Council and died during it. Paulinus, the leader of the strict orthodox remnant who had never swerved from their loyalty to Nicaea, might have been recognized as his successor. But instead Flavian was elected, was challenged by a barber with the query, "What do people in America

think about the procession of the Holy Ghost?" » Rather than Holy Apostles, I think, in spite of the considerations in which most later writers have followed Ullmann, Gregorius von Nazianz, 2d ed., p. 153 (English translation, p. 223); in Oration 43, 26, where Gregory bids farewell to the churches of Constantinople, he seems clearly to distinguish between the Great Church "which takes its greatness from the Word" and the shrine of the apostles.

INTRODUCTION II9 and the division continued. Meanwhile Timothy of Alexandria had arrived, and began to challenge Gregory's position as uncanonical—he had at least technically been transferred from another see, which the rules of Nicaea forbade. Disgusted by these proceedings, and perhaps feeling that his work was done, Gregory withdrew from the Council and from Constantinople after a solemn farewell sermon. In his place the mild Nectarius, a highly esteemed civil servant, still unbaptized at the time of his election, was chosen for what the Council had declared should rank as the second see of Christendom. Back at Nazianzus, Gregory once more returned to private life. For a short time he again took charge of the local church, until in 384 a satisfactory successor to his father was finally chosen. He was now in his early fifties, but already thought of himself as aged. On the family property at Arianzus he resumed the monastic life with his household, while as an elder statesman of the Church sometimes writing about its affairs. One year he took a vow of silence for the sacred season of Lent, but this did not prevent him from using his pen or greeting visitors with a smile. His own feelings and memories he recorded in his verse, much of which seems to date from this period. Newman was certainly correct in interpreting as autobiographical the opening stanzas of one of Gregory's shorter poems in defense of the monastic life— "Someone whispered yesterday Of the rich and fashionable: Gregory, in his own small way, Easy was, and comfortable. "Had he not of wealth his fill, Whom a garden gay did bless, And a gently trickling rill, And the sweets of idleness? "I made answer: 'Is it ease, Fasts to keep, and tears to shed? Vigil hours and wounded knees— Call you such a pleasant bed? " 'Thus a veritable monk Does to death his fleshly frame; Be there who in sloth have sunk, They have forfeited the name.' " 10 10 Poems ii, 44, 1-8; translation by J. H. Newman, The Church of the Fathers, London, 1840, end of Chapter IX.

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At Arianzus, Gregory died in 389.ll One's first impression of his character is perhaps that of a sympathetic weakness, in contrast to the vigor of Basil and the straightforwardness of Gregory of Nyssa. One reads his story with a certain amount of pity, and indeed he wrote his autobiography with a certain amount of self-pity. Yet his achievements were not a few, and his weakness was made strong in Christ. WRITINGS The writings of Gregory of Nazianzus fall into three groups —letters, poems, and sermons (conventionally called Orations). The letters and sermons were obviously called forth by particular occasions, and the poems scarcely less so, since many of them were written to record or express his own feelings at a certain moment. The Benedictine editors arranged them in two books, didactic and personal; the latter includes a number of short pieces of some charm—though Gregory is in general a persistent rather than an inspired poet—and a long autobiographical poem which is a principle source for Gregory's career at Constantinople. The letters, 242 in number, are of considerable interest, although not so intimate as one might expect. Gregory's position as a Father of the Church rests mainly on the sermons. They include discourses given at the striking moments in Gregory's career—his first appearance as a priest, his acceptance of the episcopate, his farewell to Constantinople; funeral or memorial discourses on his own relatives, on Basil, and on Athanasius; and the most careful exposition of his theological teaching. This is to be found most completely, though not exclusively, in the Theological Orations here reprinted, which won him from later ages the distinctive title of Theologos, otherwise given only to Saint John. The study of Gregory has pursued rather a curious course. He was much read in the Greek Middle Ages, and a number of Byzantine commentators added notes to one or another section of his works. Those of Elias, a tenth century archbishop of Crete, are still of value. Gregory's character and career attracted the interest of Christian humanists of the Renaissance. After several partial publications a full edition of the Orations, with some of the letters and poems, appeared at Basel in 1550. 1

1 Jerome, De viris illustribus, 117, writing in the thirteenth year of Theodosius (A.D. 391), says, "Three years ago," which by Roman calculation would be 389.

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Further material was added in seventeenth century editions. But because of a series of accidents the complete edition undertaken by the French Benedictines was in preparation for over a century and a half. Volume I, containing the Orations, appeared in 1778. During the French Revolution the materials collected for Volume II passed into private hands; the volume was finally published by A.-B. Caillau in 1840, only a few years before the two volumes (and some other material, including Jahn's selections from the notes of Elias) were reprinted in Migne's Patrologia Graeca.

Gregory's character and career have fascinated students in the English-speaking world. "There's a Basil for you," said John Henry Newman, when one of his friends presumed on his support in a manner reminiscent of the Sasima episode. But nothing seems to have been done to make Gregory's works available in English until the inclusion of half a volume of selections in the Post-Nicene Fathers. A new edition of his works was long in preparation in Cracow and was ready to appear in 1939; it seems to have been one of the casualties of the war. The editors reported, however, that they found the Benedictine text of the Orations excellent, but were less satisfied with that of the poems and letters.12 THE THEOLOGICAL

ORATIONS

The five sermons commonly described as the Theological Orations of Gregory Nazianzen (Orations XXVII-XXXI as usually published) were evidently preached as a series during the middle of his Constantinople period, probably in the summer or fall of 380. They are the platform of the orthodox cause at the moment when it is fighting on equal terms with the Eunomians and Macedonians of Constantinople. Though they lack the dramatic interest of some of the other Orations, they are fair examples of the homiletic style that won Gregory his great reputation as a preacher. A recent study has suggested that his language was in fact closer to good spoken Greek of the time, less of an artificial rhetoric of the schools, than one might at first suppose.13 Though not without art, he also allows himself a certain informality, which may account for occasional slips in quotation or reference, as when John the 12 Letter cited in Gallay, La vie de Saint Grtgoire de Nazianze, p. x. 13 Henry, The Late Greek Optative and Its Use in the Writings of Greogory Nazianzen, pp. 91-93.

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Baptist is confused with the apostle (II, 20), or when the preacher allows himself so casual a Biblical allusion as "it seems to Solomon and me" (I, 5). Since what we have before us is what was delivered at the Anastasia, we need not be surprised that Gregory's approach to theology is closely related to the current rival ideas which he was meeting. In fact, several of the discourses follow a surprising but effective pattern of first dealing with opponents and then laying down positive principles on the topic in hand. Theology was a subject of current argument at Constantinople, so that Gregory was beginning with a theme of popular interest. His affirmative teaching is the last impression left on the minds of his congregation, and this section usually leads into or includes a rhetorical conclusion of some literary beauty, and swings naturally into the final doxology. The First Oration is an introduction to the series. Attacking the argumentativeness of the Eunomians, Gregory warns his own congregation against replying in kind, and emphasizes that the discussion of divine things belongs to the man who is leading a life of prayer and has at least a far-off glimpse of the mystic vision. The Second approaches from this point of view the doctrine of God, theologia in the strict sense of the word. Nature and Scripture make us aware of the fact of God's existence, but the negative way is our best approach to the intellectual definition of his being. But he is known gloriously in his works—and this Gregory expounds in a magnificent passage. The Hexaemeron, the "six days' employ,"14 received the attention of leading preachers of the period—Basil and Gregory of Nyssa both preached series of sermons on it, and Ambrose, drawing largely on Basil, did the same at Milan. Nazianzen avoids excessive detail in using the theme for part of one sermon, yet gives enough to impress; he skillfully weaves together Biblical, classical, and current scientific references, and ends by raising his congregation to join in adoration with the higher creation, the angelic hosts. Two Orations are then devoted to the main battleground with Arians, the doctrine of God the Son. The Third first aims to show that the orthodox doctrine of the coequal Father and Son, one in the unity of the divine Monarchia, is both more Christian and more logical than the Arian concept of a subordinate deity. After this refutation, which cannot help being 14 John Mason Neale, "Stars of the Morning," in Hymns of the Eastern Church, London, 1862.

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somewhat dry to those who do not confront Arianism as a present problem, the Biblical experience of and Christian faith in the one Christ, God and Man, is splendidly expounded. The Fourth Oration first refutes the conclusions drawn from a series of proof texts, which evidently circulated in a specific Eunomian manual (one of those referred to in III, i). The Nicene faith is then clearly stated, first in theological and then in Biblical terms; the conclusion breathes the language of evangelical piety, calling on the Christian to rejoice in the manifold names of his Saviour— his "Shepherd, Guardian, Friend, Prophet, Priest, and King." In the Fifth Oration, Gregory turns from Arians and the doctrine of the Son to Macedonians and the doctrine of the Holy Spirit. He begins with some fencing with opponents in their own terms, and gradually shifts to a more positive statement. It is here that the formal doctrine of the Trinity is finally enunciated, along with some observations about the use of language and the development of doctrine which, as has been noted, still retain their value. Once more, there is an impressive massing of Biblical testimonies, though just before the end (and it was doubtless well to move to a quieter note) comes a discussion and rejection of the traditional attempt to explain the Trinity by physical analogies. Surely no series of doctrinal sermons has ever been so successful in simultaneously meeting the current intellectual problems of the age and making a permanent contribution to the formulation of Christian thought. Through them there run as moving themes two aspects of Gregory's interests which were represented by two of the rising young men of the Church who looked to him as their master at this time. Jerome, who spent some time under Gregory's teaching at Constantinople on his way back from the Syrian desert to Rome, looked to him primarily as one mighty in the Scriptures. Gregory's Scriptural knowledge is indeed impressive, though he works rather by piling up masses of texts than by establishing general principles. He was of course confined to the Septuagint Old Testament, which sometimes misled him. But better for the preacher perhaps than Jerome's detailed learning was Gregory's sense of the Bible as the book of redemption—and an occasional lightness of touch which did no harm, as when Jerome asked him to explain that puzzle in the Gospel of Luke, the "secondfirst Sabbath," and Gregory cheerfully replied, "I'd better answer this in church where you won't venture to disagree." 15 15 Jerome, Epistle 52, 8; Luke 6:1.

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A closer friend of Gregory's was the deacon Evagrius of Pontus, whom he remembered with a personal memento in the will which he drew up in 382. Evagrius was a philosopher and mystic, who for the rest of his life was to be a prominent figure among the Greek and Origenistic party of the monks of Egypt. His approach to religion had much in common with Gregory's, both intellectually and spiritually. Like his second successor at Constantinople, John Chrysostom, Gregory had a special devotion among the apostles to Paul, "disciple and teacher of the fishermen," as he rather daringly calls him (I, 1). Of the many aspects of the apostle, it was the mystic whose life was hid in Christ and renewed by the Spirit, and who hints at glimpses of the ineffable things in the third heaven but quite properly does not attempt to relate them (II Cor. 12:4), who most appealed to Gregory. L E T T E R S ON

APOLLINARIANISM

In his years of retirement Gregory was troubled by the appearance in Cappadocia of some of the heresies he had battled at Constantinople. There were not only the remains of Arianism, but the apparently opposite extreme of Apollinarianism. The ApoUinarians were a party as well as a school of thought, and at one time went so far as to set up a rival to Gregory in the see of Nazianzus itself, while he was recovering his health at the hot baths of Xanxaris.16 Bad health may account for the air of personal annoyance in these letters, two addressed to Cledonius, the priest who was in charge of the church of Nazianzus in Gregory's absence, and one to Nectarius of Constantinople. But the intellectual vigor of the theologian is unweakened, and the letters contain a clear statement of the essential doctrine of the full humanity of Christ which was to be a guide for the orthodox party in the debates of the following century. The teaching attacked is that which would find in the humanity of Christ body and animal soul, but with the indwelling deity replacing the higher human soul {nous, mind); so that Christ was indeed a "man from heaven" (I Cor. 15:47) in that it was what came from heaven that gave him full human existence. In the letter to Nectarius, Gregory quotes from a pamphlet by Apollinaris himself, although the latter seems to have repudiated the strange idea that the flesh of Christ as well was heavenly in origin. It may have been a speculation 16 Gregory, Epistle 125.

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entertained briefly and then dropped—or Gregory's interpretation of what the idea of heavenly humanity would necessarily mean. The version of the Theological Orations and Letters on Apollinarianism reprinted here is that prepared by Browne and Swallow for the Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, Series II, Vol. VII. I have, however, filled two apparently accidental omissions, simplified the use of capitals, corrected a few apparent misprints, and in some cases added brackets around words required by the translation but not actually expressed in the original, especially when they happened to be technical terms of theology such as "person" or "nature."

BIBLIOGRAPHY EDITIONS

Basel, 1550. Paris, 2 vols., 1609-1611. Paris (Benedictine edition), 2 vols., 1778-1840, reprinted in Migne, Patrologia Graeca, Vols. 35-38, Paris, 1857-1858. A. J. Mason, The Five Theological Orations of Gregory ofNazianzus (Cambridge Patristic Texts), Cambridge, 1899 (with a valuable commentary). TRANSLATIONS

English: C. G. Browne and J. E. Swallow, S. Gregory Nazianzen, Archbishop of Constantinople, Select Orations and Select Letters (Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, Series II, Vol. VII, pp. 185-498), London and New York, 1894. French: N. Fontaine, Orations, 2 vols., 1693. Paul Gallay, Gregoire de Nazianze, Les discours theologiqu.es, Lyons and Paris, Vitte, 1942. German: Twenty-five orations (not including the Theological Orations) are translated by Johannes Rohm, Ausgewdhlte Schriften des heiligen Gregor von Nazianz (Bibliothek der Kirchenvater, Vols. 20 and 47), Kempten, 1874-1877, and 1-20 have appeared in Philipp Haeuser, Des heiligen Bischqfs Gregor von Nazianz Reden, Vol. 1 (Bibliothek der Kirchenvater, new series, 59), Munich, Pustet, 1928. 126

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BIOGRAPHIES

Carl Ullmann, Gregorius von Nazianz (Darmstadt, 1825, 2& ed. Gotha, 1867; tr. G. V. Cox, Gregory of Nazianzum, London, 1851), is still useful; the latest formal biography is Paul Gallay, La vie de Saint Gregoire de Nazianze, Lyons and Paris,

Vitte, 1943. Less pretentious sketches of value are those of J. H. Newman, in The Church of the Fathers, London, 1840 (reprinted 1900), of which Chs. 5-9 deal with Basil and Gregory; in the 4th ed., 1868, these are Chs. 1-4—reprinted in J. H. Newman, Essays and Sketches, ed. C. F. Harrold, Vol. I l l , New York and London, Longmans, Green, 1948, pp. 1-91; Frederick W. Farrar, Lives of the Fathers, London and New York, 1889, Vol. I, pp. 491-582; and Dorothy Brooke, Pilgrims Were They All, Stories of Religious Adventure in the

Fourth Century of Our Era, IV, "The Saint: Gregory of Nazianzus," London, Faber and Faber, 1943. SPECIAL STUDIES

Adolf Donders, Der hi. Kirchenlehrer Gregor von Nazianz

als

Homilet, Miinster, 1909. E. Fleury, Hellenisme et Christianisme, Saint Gregoire de Nazianze et son temps, Paris, Beauchesne, 1930. Johannes Focken, De Gregorii Nazianzeni orationum et carminum dogmaticorum argumentandi ratione, Berlin, 1912. Marcel Guignet, Saint Gregoire de Nazianze et la rhetorique, Paris, 1911.

Rose de Lima Henry, The Late Greek Optative and Its Use in the

Works of Gregory Nazianzen (Catholic University of America Patristic Studies 68), Washington, Catholic University Press, 1943; cf. Martin J. Higgins, "Why Another Optative Dissertation?", Byzantion, Vol. 15, 1940-1941, pp. 443-448. Henri Pinault, Le Platonisme de Saint Gregoire de Nazianze, essai sur les relations du Christianisme et de VHellenisme dans son oeuvre theologique, Paris, 1925. On Cappadocia: A. H . M.Jones, The Cities of the Eastern Roman Provinces, Oxford,

Clarendon Press, 1937, VII, "Cappadocia," pp. 175-191. On the Second Ecumenical Council:

Hans Lietzmann, The Era of the Church Fathers (A History of the Early Church, Vol. IV), tr. B. L. Woolf, London, 1950, New York, Charles Scribner's Sons, 1952, Ch. 2.

The Theological Orations THE TEXT: THE FIRST THEOLOGICAL ORATION—INTRODUCTORY 1. I am to speak against persons who pride themselves on their eloquence; so, to begin with a text of Scripture, "Behold, I am against thee, O thou proud one," 1 not only in your system of teaching, but also in your hearing, and in your tone of mind. For there are certain persons who have not only their ears and their tongues, but even, as I now perceive, their hands too, itching for our words; who delight in profane babblings, and oppositions of science falsely so called, and strifes about words, which tend to no profit2; for so Paul, the preacher and establisher of the "Word cut short," 3 the disciple and teacher of the fishermen, calls all that is excessive or superfluous in discourse. But as to those to whom we refer, would that they, whose tongue is so voluble and clever in applying itself to noble and approved language, would likewise pay some attention to actions. For then perhaps in a little while they would become less sophistical, and less absurd and strange acrobats of words, if I may use a ridiculous expression about a ridiculous subject. 2. But since they neglect every path of righteousness, and look only to this one point, namely, which of the propositions submitted to them they shall bind or loose (like those persons who in the theaters perform wrestling matches in public, but not that kind of wrestling in which the victory is won according to the rules of the sport, but a kind to deceive the eyes of those who are ignorant in such matters, and to catch applause), and 1 Jer. 50:31 (LXX, ch. 27:31); surely Gregory is speaking against rather than simply to the Eunomians, in spite of Mason's note to the contrary —he both attacks their approach to the discussion of theology and endeavors to discourage his congregation from replying in the same spirit. 3 2 I Tim. 6:20; II Tim. 2:14, 16. Rom. 9:28 (Isa. 10:23). 128

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every marketplace must buzz with their talking; and every dinner party be worried to death with silly talk and boredom; and every festival be made unfestive and full of dejection, and every occasion of mourning be consoled by a greater calamity —their questions—and all the women's apartments accustomed to simplicity be thrown into confusion and be robbed of its [their] flower4 of modesty by the torrent of their words . . . since, I say, this is so, the evil is intolerable and not to be borne, and our great mystery is in danger of being made a thing of little moment. Well then, let these spies bear with us, moved as we are with fatherly compassion, and as holy Jeremiah says, torn in our hearts 5 ; let them bear with us so far as not to give a savage reception to our discourse upon this subject; and let them, if indeed they can, restrain their tongues for a short while and lend us their ears. However that may be, you shall at any rate suffer no loss. For either we shall have spoken in the ears of them that will hear, and our words will bear some fruit, namely, an advantage to you (since the sower sows the Word upon every kind of mind; and the good and fertile bears fruit), or else you will depart despising this discourse of ours as you have despised others, and having drawn from it further material for gainsaying and railing at us, upon which to feast yourselves yet more. And you must not be astonished if I speak a language which is strange to you and contrary to your custom, who profess to know everything and to teach everything in a too impetuous and generous manner . . . not to pain you by saying ignorant and rash. 3. Not to everyone, my friends, does it belong to philosophize about God; not to everyone—the subject is not so cheap and low—and, I will add, not before every audience, nor at all times, nor on all points; but on certain occasions, and before certain persons, and within certain limits. Not to all men, because it is permitted only to those who have been examined, and are past masters in meditation, and who have been previously purified in soul and body, or at the very least are being purified. For the impure to touch the pure is, we may safely say, not safe, just as it is unsafe to fix weak eyes upon the sun's rays. And what is the permitted occasion? It is when we are free from all external defilement or disturbance, and when « The confusion of numbers is only in English, which has no single word for gunaikonitis, the women's part of a house, sjer. 4:19 (LXX). C.L.F.—9

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that which rules within us is not confused with vexatious or erring images; like persons mixing up good writing with bad, or filth with the sweet odors of unguents. For it is necessary to be truly at leisure to know God; and when we can get a convenient season, to discern the straight road of the things divine. And who are the permitted persons? They to whom the subject is of real concern, and not they who make it a matter of pleasant gossip, like any other thing, after the races, or the theater, or a concert, or a dinner, or still lower employments. To such men as these, idle jests and petty contradictions about these subjects are a part of their amusement. 4. Next, on what subjects and to what extent may we philosophize? On matters within our reach, and to such an extent as the mental power and grasp of our audience may extend. No further, lest, as excessively loud sounds injure the hearing, or excess of food the body, or, if you will, as excessive burdens beyond the strength injure those who bear them, or excessive rains the earth; so these too, being pressed down and overweighted by the stiffness, if I may use the expression, of the arguments, should suffer loss even in respect of the strength they originally possessed. 5. Now, I am not saying that it is not needful to remember God at all times; . . . I must not be misunderstood, or I shall be having these nimble and quick people down upon me again. For we ought to think of God even more often than we draw our breath; and if the expression is permissible, we ought to do nothing else. Yea, I am one of those who entirely approve that Word which bids us meditate day and night, and tell at eventide and morning and noonday, and praise the Lord at every time *; or, to use Moses' words, whether a man lie down, or rise up, or walk by the way, or whatever else he be doing 7— and by this recollection we are to be molded to purity. So that it is not the continual remembrance of God that I would hinder, but only the talking about God; nor even that as in itself wrong, but only when unreasonable; nor all teaching, but only want of moderation. As of even honey, repletion and satiety, though it be of honey, produce vomiting; and, as Solomon says and I think,8 there is a time for everything, and that which is good ceases to be good if it be not done in a good way; just as a flower is quite out of season in winter, and just as a man's dress does not become a woman, nor a woman's a man; and as «Ps. 1:2555 (54):I75 34 (33):17 DeCt. 6:7; 11:19.

»Eccl. 3:1.

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geometry is out of place in mourning, or tears at a carousal; shall we in this instance alone disregard the proper time, in a matter in which most of all due season should be respected? Surely not, my friends and brethren (for I will still call you brethren, though you do not behave like brothers). Let us not think so nor yet, like hot-tempered and hard-mouthed horses, throwing off our rider Reason, and casting away Reverence, that keeps us within due limits, run far away from the turning point,9 but let us philosophize within our proper bounds, and not be carried away into Egypt, nor be swept down into Assyria, nor sing the Lord's song in a strange land,1 ° by which I mean before any kind of audience, strangers or kindred, hostile or friendly, kindly or the reverse, who watch what we do with overgreat care, and would like the spark of what is wrong in us to become a flame, and secretly kindle and fan it and raise it to heaven with their breath and make it higher than the Babylonian flame which burned up everything around it. For since their strength lies not in their own dogmas, they hunt for it in our weak points. And therefore they apply themselves to our, shall I say, "misfortunes" or "failings," like flies to wounds. But let us at least be no longer ignorant of ourselves, or pay too little attention to the due order in these matters. And if it be impossible to put an end to the existing hostility, let us at least agree upon this, that we will utter mysteries under our breath, and holy things in a holy manner, and we will not cast to ears profane that which may not be uttered, nor give evidence that we possess less gravity than those who worship demons, and serve shameful fables and deeds; for they would sooner give their blood to the uninitiated than certain words. But let us recognize that as in dress and diet and laughter and demeanor there is a certain decorum, so there is also in speech and silence; since among so many titles and powers of God, we pay the highest honor to [the] Word. Let even our disputings then be kept within bounds. 6. Why should a man who is a hostile listener to such words be allowed to hear about the generation of God, or his creation, or how God was made out of things which had no existence, or of section and analysis and division? Why do we make our accusers judges? Why do we put swords into the hands of our enemies? How, do you think, or with what temper, will the » Suggested by the Platonic chariot (Phaedrus 246, 253, 254) here engaged in a race. ioCf. Hos. 9:3; Ps. 137 (136): 4 .

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arguments about such subjects be received by one who approves of adulteries, and corruption of children, and who worships the passions and cannot conceive of aught higher than the body . . . who till very lately set up gods for himself, and gods too who were noted for the vilest deeds? Will it not first be from a material standpoint, shamefully and ignorantly, and in the sense to which he has been accustomed? Will he not make your theology a defense for his own gods and passions ? For if we ourselves wantonly misuse these words, it will be a long time before we shall persuade them to accept our philosophy. And if they are in their own persons inventors of evil things, how should they refrain from grasping at such things when offered to them? Such results come to us from mutual contest. Such results follow to those who fight for the Word beyond what the Word approves; they are behaving like mad people, who set their own house on fire, or tear their own children, or disavow their own parents, taking them for strangers. 7. But when we have put away from the conversation those who are strangers to it, and sent the great legion on its way to the abyss into the herd of swine,11 the next thing is to look to ourselves, and polish our theological self to beauty like a statue. The first point to be considered is: What is this great rivalry of speech and endless talking? What is this new disease of insatiability? Why have we tied our hands and armed our tongues? We do not praise either hospitality, or brotherly love, or conjugal affection, or virginity; nor do we admire liberality to the poor, or the chanting of psalms, or nightlong vigils, or tears. We do not keep under the body by fasting, or go forth to God by prayer; nor do we subject the worse to the better— I mean the dust to the spirit—as they would do who form a just judgment of our composite nature; we do not make our life a preparation for death; nor do we make ourselves masters of our passions, mindful of our heavenly nobility; nor tame our anger when it swells and rages, nor our pride that brings to a fall, nor unreasonable grief, nor unchastened pleasure, nor meretricious laughter, nor undisciplined eyes, nor insatiable ears, nor excessive talk, nor absurd thoughts, nor aught of the occasions which the evil one gets against us from sources within ourselves; bringing upon us the death that comes through the windows, as Holy Scripture says12; that is, through the senses. Nay, we do the very opposite, and have given liberty to the u Mark 5:13; Luke 8:31-33; Matt. 8:32. 12 Jer 9:21, as commonly interpreted by the Fathers.

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passions of others, as kings give releases from service in honor of a victory, only on condition that they incline to our side, and make their assault upon God more boldly, or more impiously. And we give them an evil reward for a thing which is not good, license of tongue for their impiety. 8. And yet, O talkative dialectician, I will ask you one small question, and answer me, as He says to Job who through whirlwind and cloud gives divine admonitions.13 Are there many mansions in God's house, as you have heard, or only one? Of course you will admit that there are many, and not only one. Now, are they all to be filled, or only some, and others not; so that some will be left empty, and will have been prepared to no purpose? Of course all will be filled, for nothing can be in vain which has been done by God. And can you tell me what you will consider this mansion to be? Is it for the rest and glory which is in store there for the blessed, or something else?—No, not anything else. Since then we are agreed upon this point, let us further examine another also. Is there anything that procures these mansions, as I think there is; or is there nothing? —Certainly there is.—What is it? Is it not that there are various modes of conduct, and various purposes, one leading one way, another another way, according to the proportion of faith, and these we call ways? Must we, then, travel all, or some of these ways . . . the same individual along them all, if that be possible; or, if not, along as many as may be; or else along some of them? And even if this may not be, it would still be a great thing, at least as it appears to me, to travel excellently along even one. —You are right in your conception.—What, then, when you hear there is but one way, and that a narrow one, 14 does the word seem to you to show? That there is but one on account of its excellence. For it is but one, even though it be split into many parts. And narrow because of its difficulties, and because it is trodden by few in comparison with the multitude of the adversaries, and of those who travel along the road of wickedness.—So I think too.—Well, then, my good friend, since this is so, why do you, as though condemning our doctrine for a certain poverty, rush headlong down that one which leads through what you call arguments and speculations but I, frivolities and quackeries? Let Paul reprove you with those " J o b 40: 7, 8 (LXX, vs. 2, 3). 14 A rather confusing combination of John 14:2 and Matt. 7:14—the idea seems to be that there is but one Christian way, comprising the variety of Christian vocations.

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bitter reproaches in which, after his list of the gifts of grace, he says: Are all apostles? Are all prophets? 15 etc. 9. But, be it so. Lofty you are, even beyond the lofty, even above the clouds, if you will, a spectator of things invisible, a hearer of things unspeakable; one who has ascended after Elijah, and who after Moses has been deemed worthy of the vision of God, and after Paul has been taken up into heaven; why do you mold the rest of your fellows in one day into saints, and ordain them theologians, and as it were breathe into them instruction, and make them many councils of ignorant oracles? Why do you entangle those who are weaker in your spider's web, as if it were something great and wise? Why do you stir up wasps' nests against the faith? Why do you suddenly spring a flood of dialectics upon us, as the fables of old did the Giants? Why have you collected all that is frivolous and unmanly among men, like a rabble, into one torrent, and having made them more effeminate by flattery, fashioned a new workshop, cleverly making a harvest for yourself out of their want of understanding ? Do you deny that this is so, and are the other matters of no account to you? Must your tongue rule at any cost, and can you not restrain the birth pang of your speech? You may find many other honorable subjects for discussion. To these turn this disease of yours with some advantage. Attack the silence of Pythagoras, and the Orphic beans, and the novel brag about "The Master said." Attack the ideas of Plato, and the transmigrations and courses of our souls, and the reminiscences, and the unlovely loves of the soul for lovely bodies. Attack the atheism of Epicurus, and his atoms, and his unphilosophic pleasure; or Aristotle's petty Providence, and his artificial system, and his discourses about the mortality of the soul, and the humanitarianism of his doctrine. Attack the superciliousness of the Stoa, or the greed and vulgarity of the Cynic. Attack the "Void and Full" (what nonsense), and all the details about the gods and the sacrifices and the idols and demons, whether beneficent or malignant, and all the tricks that people play with divination, evoking of gods, or of souls, and the power of the stars. And if these things seem to you unworthy of discussion as petty and already often confuted, and you will keep to your line, and seek the satisfaction of your ambition in it; then here too I will provide you with broad paths. Philosophize about the world or worlds; about matter; is I Cor. 12:29; ^ e thought seems to be that only if all were apostles and prophets could people who behave like the Eunomians claim to be such.

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about soul; about natures endowed with reason, good or bad; about resurrection, about judgment, about reward, or the sufferings of Christ.16 For in these subjects to hit the mark is not useless, and to miss it is not dangerous. But with God we shall have converse, in this life only in a small degree; but a little later, it may be, more perfectly, in the same, our Lord Jesus Christ, to whom be glory forever. Amen. i« The last items in this list are rather surprising in view of the following sentence—perhaps Gregory assumes the Christians agree on them basically and their differences are only minor and speculative.

THE TEXT: THE SECOND THEOLOGICAL ORATION—ON GOD 1. In the former discourse we laid down clearly with respect to the theologian both what sort of character he ought to bear, and on what kind of subject he may philosophize, and when, and to what extent. We saw that he ought to be, as far as may be, pure, in order that light may be apprehended by light; and that he ought to consort with serious men, in order that his word be not fruitless through falling on an unfruitful soil; and that the suitable season is when we have a calm within from the whirl of outward things, so as not like madmen to lose our breath; and that the extent to which we may go is that to which we have ourselves advanced, or to which we are advancing. Since, then, these things are so, and we have broken up for ourselves the fallows of divinity, so as not to sow upon thorns, and have made plain the face of the ground, being molded and molding others by Holy Scripture . . . let us now enter upon theological questions, setting at the head thereof the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, of whom we are to treat; that the Father may be well pleased, and the Son may help us, and the Holy Ghost may inspire us; or rather that one illumination may come upon us from the one God, one in diversity, diverse in unity, wherein is a marvel. 2. Now when I go up eagerly into the Mount1—or, to use a truer expression, when I both eagerly long, and at the same time am afraid (the one through my hope and the other through my weakness), to enter within the cloud, and hold converse with God, for so God commands—if any be an Aaron,2 let him go up with me, and let him stand near, being ready, if it must be so, to remain outside the cloud. But if any be a i Ex. 19:3.

2

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Ex. 19:24.

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Nadab or an Abihu, or of the Order of the Elders,3 let him go up indeed, but let him stand afar off, according to the value of his purification. But if any be of the multitude, who are unworthy of this height of contemplation, if he be altogether impure, let him not approach at all, for it would be dangerous to him; but if he be at least temporarily purified, let him remain below and listen to the voice alone, and the trumpet, the bare words of piety, and let him see the mountain smoking and lightening, a terror at once and a marvel to those who cannot get up. But if any is an evil and savage beast, and altogether incapable of taking in the subject matter of contemplation and theology, let him not hurtfully and malignantly lurk in his den among the woods, to catch hold of some dogma or saying by a sudden spring, and to tear sound doctrine to pieces by his misrepresentations, but let him stand yet afar off and withdraw from the Mount, or he shall be stoned and crushed, and shall perish miserably in his wickedness.4 For to those who are like wild beasts true and sound discourses are stones. If he be a leopard, let him die with his spots; if a ravening and roaring lion, seeking what he may devour of our souls or of our words; or a wild boar, trampling underfoot the precious and translucent pearls of the truth; or an Arabian and alien wolf,5 or one keener even than these in tricks of argument; or a fox, that is a treacherous and faithless soul, changing its shape according to circumstances or necessities, feeding on dead or putrid bodies, or on little vineyards when the large ones have escaped them; or any other carnivorous beast, rejected by the law as unclean for food or enjoyment, our discourse must withdraw from such and be engraved on solid tables of stone, and that on both sides because the law is partly visible, and partly hidden, the one part belonging to the mass who remain below, the other to the few who press upward into the Mount.6 3. What is this that has happened to me, O friends, and initiates, and fellow lovers of the truth? I was running to lay hold on God, and thus I went up into the Mount, and drew aside the curtain of the cloud, and entered away from matter and material things, and as far as I could I withdrew within myself. And then when I looked up, I scarce saw the back parts of God; although I was sheltered by the rock, the Word 34 Ex. 24:1.

Ex. 19:13, 16, mystically interpreted; cf. similar treatment of this chapter in Gregory of Nyssa, Contemplation on the Life of Moses. * Hab. 1:8 (LXX). 6 Ex. 32:15; a rather strange interpretation.

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that was made flesh for us.' And when I looked a little closer, I saw, not the first and unmingled nature, known to itself—to the Trinity, I mean; not that which abides within the first veil, and is hidden by the cherubim; but only that nature, which at last even reaches to us. And that is, as far as I can learn, the majesty, or, as holy David calls it, the glory which is manifested among the creatures, which it has produced and governs.8 For these are the back parts of God, which he leaves behind him, as tokens of himself, like the shadows and reflection of the sun in the water, which show the sun to our weak eyes, because we cannot look at the sun himself, for by his unmixed light he is too strong for our power of perception. In this way then you shall discourse of God; even were you a Moses and a god to Pharaoh; even were you caught up like Paul to the third heaven, and had heard unspeakable words;9 even were you raised above them both, and exalted to angelic or archangelic place and dignity. For though a thing be all heavenly, or above heaven, and far higher in nature and nearer to God than we, yet it is farther distant from God, and from the complete comprehension of his nature, than it is lifted above our complex and lowly and earthward-sinking composition. 4. Therefore we must begin again thus: It is difficult to conceive God, but to define him in words is an impossibility, as one of the Greek teachers of divinity taught, not unskillfully, as it appears to me;10 with the intention that he might be thought to have apprehended him; in that he says it is a hard thing to do; and yet may escape being convicted of ignorance because of the impossibility of giving expression to the apprehension. But in my opinion it is impossible to express him, and yet more impossible to conceive him. For that which may be conceived may perhaps be made clear by language, if not fairly well, at any rate imperfectly, to anyone who is not quite deprived of his hearing, or slothful of understanding. But to comprehend the whole of so great a subject as this is quite impossible and impracticable, not merely to the utterly careless and ignorant, but even to those who are highly exalted, and who love God, and in like manner to every created nature; seeing that the darkness of this world and the thick covering of the flesh is an 7

Ex. 33:21-23; the Christian mystic glimpses God only because he has taken refuge in the Rock of Ages, Christ (Matt. 16:18). * The psalms, as Gregory correctly observes, speak of God's manifested glory rather than of his abstract greatness; cf. Ps. 8:2; 145 (144) :5, 12. 10 » Ex. 7:1; II Cor. 12:2. Plato, Timaeus a8E.

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obstacle to the full understanding of the truth. I do not know whether it is the same with the higher natures and purer intelligences which because of their nearness to God, and because they are illumined with all his light, may possibly see, if not the whole, at any rate more perfectly and distinctly than we do; some perhaps more, some less than others, in proportion to their rank. 5. But enough has been said on this point. As to what concerns us, it is not only the peace of God which passes all understanding and knowledge, nor only the things which God has stored up in promise for the righteous, which "eye hath not seen, nor ear heard, nor mind conceived" n except in a very small degree, nor the accurate knowledge of the Creation. For even of this I would have you know that you have only a shadow when you hear the words, "I will consider the heavens, the work of thy fingers, the moon and the stars," 12 and the settled order therein; not as if he were considering them now, but as destined to do so hereafter. But far before them is that nature which is above them, and out of which they spring, the incomprehensible and illimitable—not, I mean, as to the fact of his being, but as to its nature. For our preaching is not empty, nor our faith vain, 13 nor is this the doctrine we proclaim; for we would not have you take our candid statement as a starting point for a quibbling denial of God, or of arrogance on account of our confession of ignorance. For it is one thing to be persuaded of the existence of a thing, and quite another to know what it is. 6. Now our very eyes and the law of nature teach us that God exists and that he is the efficient and maintaining cause of all things: our eyes, because they fall on visible objects, and see them in beautiful stability and progress, immovably moving and revolving if I may so say; natural law, because through these visible things and their order it reasons back to their author. For how could this universe have come into being or been put together unless God had called it into existence, and held it together? For everyone who sees a beautifully made lute, and considers the skill with which it has been fitted together and arranged, or who hears its melody, would think of none but the lutemaker, or the luteplayer, and would recur to him in mind, though he might not know him by sight. And thus to us also is manifested that which made and moves and " Phil. 4:7; I Cor. 2:9. " Ps. 8:4 (LXX). is I Cor. 15:14, 17.

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preserves all created things, even though he be not comprehended by the mind. And very wanting in sense is he who will not willingly go thus far in following natural proofs; but not even this which we have fancied or formed, or which reason has sketched for us, proves the existence of a God. But if anyone has got even to some extent a comprehension of this, how is God's being to be demonstrated? Who ever reached this extremity of wisdom? Who was ever deemed worthy of so great a gift? Who has opened the mouth of his mind and drawn in the Spirit, so as by him that searches all things, yea, the deep things of God,14 to take in God, and no longer to need progress, since he already possesses the extreme object of desire, and that to which all the social life and all the intelligence of the best men press forward? 7. For what will you conceive the Deity to be, if you rely upon all the approximations of reason? Or to what will reason carry you, O most philosophic of men and best of theologians, who boast of your familiarity with the unlimited? Is he a body? How, then, is he the infinite and limitless, and formless, and intangible, and invisible? or are these attributes of a body? What arrogance, for such is not the nature of a body! Or will you say that he has a body, but not these attributes? O stupidity, that a deity should possess nothing more than we do! For how is he an object of worship if he be circumscribed? Or how shall he escape being made of elements, and therefore subject to be resolved into them again, or even altogether dissolved? For every compound is a starting point of strife, and strife of separation, and separation of dissolution. But dissolution is altogether foreign to God and to the first nature. Therefore there can be no separation, that there may be no dissolution, and no strife that there may be no separation, and no composition that there may be no strife. Thus also there must be no body, that there may be no composition, and so the argument is established by going back from last to first. 8. And how shall we preserve the truth that God pervades all things and fills all, as it is written, "Do not I fill heaven and earth? saith the Lord," and "The Spirit of the Lord filleth the world," 15 if God partly contains and partly is contained? For either he will occupy an empty universe, and so all things will have vanished for us, with this result, that we shall have insulted God by making him a body, and by robbing him of all things which he has made; or else he will be a body con14 I Cor. 2:10.

15

Jer. 23:24; Wisdom 1:7.

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tained in other bodies, which is impossible; or he will be enfolded in them, or contrasted with them, as liquids are mixed, and one divides and is divided by another—a view which is more absurd and anile than even the atoms of Epicurus—and so this argument concerning the body will fall through, and have no body and no solid basis at all. But if we are to assert that he is immaterial (as, for example, that fifth element which some have imagined), and that he is carried round in the circular movement . . . let us assume that he is immaterial, and that he is the fifth element; and, if they please, let him be also bodiless in accordance with the independent drift and arrangement of their argument; for I will not at present differ with them on this point; in what respect, then, will he be one of those things which are in movement and agitation, to say nothing of the insult involved in making the creator subject to the same movement as the creatures, and him that carries all (if they will allow even this) one with those whom he carries. Again, what is the force that moves your fifth element, and what is it that moves all things, and what moves that, and what is the force that moves that? 16 And so on ad infinitum. And how can he help being altogether contained in space if he be subject to motion? But if they assert that he is something other than this fifth element: suppose it is an angelic nature that they attribute to him, how will they show that angels are corporeal, or what sort of bodies they have? And how far in that case could God, to whom the angels minister, be superior to the angels? And if he is above them, there is again brought in an irrational swarm of bodies, and a depth of nonsense that has no possible basis to stand upon. 9. And thus we see that God is not a body. For no inspired teacher has yet asserted or admitted such a notion, nor has the sentence of our own court J 7 allowed it. Nothing then remains but to conceive of him as incorporeal. But this term "incorporeal," though granted, does not yet set before us—or contain within itself—his essence, any more than "unbegotten," or "unoriginate," or "unchanging," or "incorruptible," or any other predicate which is used concerning God or in reference to him. For what effect is produced upon his being or substance by his having no beginning, and being incapable of change or limitation? Nay, the whole question of his being is still left 16

An Aristotelian idea of the elements, though not of the Deity. o "Ecumenical" in the sense of representing a number of provinces. n Probably preserved as Canon I of Constantinople, which condemns the heretics referred to in this letter—Arians, Apollinarians, and Macedonians, and the followers of Marcellus of Ancyra, who carried the doctrine of consubstantiality to the point of Sabellianism, recognizing no permanent distinct being of the Son; see p. 22.

VI. D O G M A T I C LETTERS OF N E S T O R I U S AND C Y R I L O F A L E X A N D R I A — (A) T H E F I R S T L E T T E R O F NESTORIUS TO CELESTINE INTRODUCTION

When Nestorius came to Constantinople in 428 he was prepared to be a hammer of heretics, but soon found his own theology under attack while Cyril of Alexandria gathered the forces of rival sees against him. Cyril was already in communication with Celestine of Rome when Nestorius entered the correspondence with a rather unskillful effort to secure Roman support for his side. This letter is preserved in the Latin version of the Acts of the Council of Ephesus, and has been critically edited by Loofsx and Schwartz. It is here translated from Schwartz's Ada conciliorum oecumenicorum,2 and I believe makes its first

appearance in English. The letter begins with an inquiry about the Pelagian refugees at Constantinople—which at once led Celestine to suspect Nestorius of disingenuousness, since he professed to need information about a matter that was already well known—and then gets down to the real topic: Nestorius has his troubles with heretics too. In spite of its poor preservation in a somewhat confused translation, the letter is of value as a good brief statement of Nestorius' own ideas on the union of God and man in Christ. The only kinds of union of such different entities he could admit were conjunction and mixture; rejecting the latter, as producing some kind of demigod, he was forced back on the former. THE TEXT

1. We ought indeed to enjoy brotherly converse with each other, that we might, together, in harmony and concord, fight 1 F. Loofs, ed., Nestoriana: die Fragmente des Nestorius, Halle, 1905, no. 24, pp. 165-168. 2 Vol. i, 2, Berlin and Leipzig, 1925-1926, pp. 12-14. 346

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against the devil, the enemy of peace. Why this prelude? A certain Julian, 3 and Orontius and Fabius, saying that they are bishops from the West, have often approached our most pious and glorious emperor and bewailed their case, as orthodox men who have suffered persecution in an orthodox age. They have often addressed their laments to us and as often have been rejected, yet do not cease to repeat the same, but continue day by day filling the ears of all with their expressions of woe. We have spoken to them as is fitting, though we do not know the exact truth of their business. But since we need a fuller knowledge of their case, so that our most pious and most Christian emperor may not continue to be annoyed by them; and that we may not be uncertain about the proper measures to take in this business, being ignorant of their complaints, please give us information about them, so that people may not cause trouble [showing them] improper consideration through ignorance of the true justice in the matter, nor may expect something else after canonical sentence of Your Blessedness, given against them, I suppose, on account of religious divisions. For the rise of divisions calls for serious measures from true pastors. 2. We also have found no slight corruption of orthodoxy among some of those here, which we have treated with both sternness and gentleness [as demanded]. It is no small error, but similar to the corruption of Apollinaris and Arius, blending together the Lord's appearance as man 4 into a kind of confused combination—so much so that certain of our clergy, some from inexperience, others from heretical error long kept concealed, as often happened even in the times of the apostles, err like heretics, and openly blaspheme God the Word consubstantial with the Father, as if he took his beginning from the Christbearing Virgin, and grew up with his temple and was buried with [it] in the flesh; they even say that his flesh after the resurrection did not remain flesh, but was changed into the nature of Godhead. To speak briefly, they refer the Godhead of the Only-begotten to the same origin as the flesh joined [with it], and kill it with the flesh, and blasphemously say that the flesh joined with the Godhead was turned into deity by the 3

4

Julian, bishop of Eclanum in Campania, whose treatises supporting Pelagius' denial of the absolute necessity of grace were answered by Augustine, Contra Iulianum Pelagianum, 422, a n d Opus imperfectum contra Iulianum, 430. Dominicam enim in homine visionem, which m a y represent prosopon.

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deifying Word, which is nothing more nor less than to corrupt both. They even dare to treat of the Christ-bearing Virgin in a way as along with God,6 for they do not scruple to call her theotokos, when the holy and beyond-all-praise Fathers at Nicaea said no more of the holy Virgin than that our Lord Jesus Christ was incarnate of the Holy Spirit and the Virgin Mary—not to mention the Scriptures, which everywhere, both by angels and apostles, speak of the Virgin as mother of Christ, not of God the Word.7 I presume that rumor has already informed Your Blessedness what conflicts we have endured for these things, and you have also learned that we have not struggled in vain, but many of those who had gone astray have by the grace of the Lord repented, learning from us that what is born is properly consubstantial with the parent, and that it was to the creature of the Lord's humanity, joined with God, [being] of the Virgin by the Spirit, that what was seen among men 8 was committed. If anyone wishes to use this word theotokos with reference to the humanity which was born, joined to God the Word, and not with reference to the parent, we say that this word is not appropriate for her who gave birth, since a true mother should be of the same essence as what is born of her. But the term could be accepted in consideration of this, that the word is used of the Virgin only because of the inseparable temple of God the Word which was of her, not because she is the mother of God the Word—for none gives birth to one older than herself. 3. I suppose that rumor has already told you of these things, but we expound 9 what has been happening to us, in order to show in fact that it is in a brotherly spirit that we wish to know about the affairs of those whom we mentioned before, not out of mere importunate curiosity—since we tell you of our affairs as among brothers, sharing with each other the facts of [these] divisions, so that the beginning of this letter of mine may be indeed correct—for I said as I began this letter that we ought to enjoy brotherly converse with each other. I and those who are with me greet all the brotherhood in Christ which is with you. 5

Ipso verbo deificationis. Virginem Christotocon ausi sunt cum deo quodam modo tractate divine—doubtless, as Loofs suggests, representing syntheclogein, "to include the Virgin in 7 the topic of theologia." Cf. Luke 1131; John 2:1; Acts 1114. 8 Ilia in homine visio; cf. n. 4 above. 9 As represented by the translator, Nestorius shifts rather confusingly from the official plural to a more informal singular.

6

(B) THE THIRD LETTER OF CYRIL TO NESTORIUS INTRODUCTION

In the fall of 430, Cyril, writing in the name of the Egyptian Synod, launched his final challenge to Nestorius; speaking also for Celestine and his Synod at Rome, he calls on Nestorius to retract his teaching, and instructs him in what he must believe about the unity of the Word with his own flesh, and what he must anathematize. The anathemas unhappily became the main subject of controversy; Nestorius repudiated them point by point, and others then defended the anathemas or the replies. The letter was read and acted on at Ephesus; at the Council of Chalcedon it was recognized, along with the Tome of Leo, as an orthodox statement—though, as will be noted, not wholly free of ambiguities which Monophysites resolved in one way and Chalcedonians in anothers. The key passages are here translated as edited in Schwartz, Ada conciliorum1; full text and translation are given in Bindley, Oecumenical Documents, pp. 105-123, 212-219.2 The letter begins by summoning Nestorius to remove the scandal caused to the Church by his teaching. It is not enough for him to assert his loyalty to the Creed of Nicaea, since he has misinterpreted it; and so after quoting the original Nicene Creed, Cyril continues: T H E TEXT

. . . Following in every respect the confessions of the holy Fathers, which they drew up as the Holy Spirit spoke in them, 1 2

Vol. i, 1, 1, Berlin and Leipzig, 1927, pp. 33-42. Also translation by Henry R. Percival, The Seven Ecumenical Councils, in Library of Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, Series II, Vol. xiv, New York and Oxford, 1905, pp. 201-218. 349

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and pursuing the track of their thoughts, and taking as it were the royal road, we say that the unique 3 Word of God himself, who was begotten of the very substance of the Father, who is true God of true God, the Light of Light, through whom all things came into being, both things in heaven and things in earth, coming down for the sake of our salvation, and humbling himself even to emptying,4 was made flesh and became man. That is, taking flesh of the holy Virgin, and making it his own from the womb, he underwent a birth like ours, and came forth a man of woman, not throwing off what he was, but even though he became [man] by the assumption of flesh and blood, yet still remaining what he was, that is, God indeed in nature and truth. We do not say that the flesh was changed into the nature of Godhead, nor that the ineffable nature of the Word of God was transformed into the nature of flesh, for he is unchangeable and unalterable, always remaining the same according to the Scriptures. But when seen as a babe and wrapped in swaddling clothes, even when still in the bosom of the Virgin who bore him, he filled all creation as God, and was enthroned with him who begot him. For the Divine cannot be numbered or measured, and does not admit of circumscription. So confessing the Word united hypostatically to flesh, we worship one Son and Lord Jesus Christ, neither putting apart and dividing man and God, as joined with each other by a union of dignity and authority—for this would be an empty phrase and no more—nor speaking of the Word of God separately as Christ, and then separately of him who was of a woman as another Christ, but knowing only one Christ, the Word of God the Father with his own flesh. For then he was anointed 5 in human wise like us, though he himself gives the Spirit to those who are worthy to receive it, and not by measure, as says the blessed Evangelist John. 6 Neither do we say that the Word of God tabernacled in him who was begotten of the holy Virgin as in an ordinary man—lest Christ should be thought of as a God-bearing man. 7 For though the Word did tabernacle among us, and it is said that in Christ dwelt all the fullness of the Godhead bodily,8 yet we so conceive [of this] that when he 3 Monogenes. * Kenosis, as in Phil. 2:7. s I.e., as man Christ received the Spirit whom as God he bestowed; the verb "anointed" is cognate with the noun Christos, and so specially 6 relevant here. John 3:34. 7 Cf. treatment of this phrase by Gregory of Nazianzus, Epistle 102 (p. 227). 8 John 1:14; Col. 2:9.

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was made flesh, we do not define the indwelling in him in precisely the same manner as that in which one speaks of an indwelling in the saints; but being united by nature and not changed into flesh, he effected such an indwelling as the soul of man might be said to have in its own body. [There is] therefore one Christ and Son and Lord, not as if man were conjoined with God by a union of dignity or authority. For equality of honor does not unite the natures, and Peter and John, for instance, are of equal honor with each other, as both apostles and holy disciples, but the two are not [made] into one. Nor do we think of the mode of conjunction as by association, for this is not enough for a natural union; nor as by an acquired relation, as we, being joined to the Lord, as it is written, are one spirit with him. 9 Indeed we reject the term "conjunction," as not sufficiently indicating the union . . . [nor is the Word the God or Lord of Christ, since God the Word and his flesh are united in one hypostasis though as man he was under God and under the law]. 10 We refuse to say of Christ, "I adore him who was born for the sake of him who bore him, I worship him who was seen for the sake of the invisible," and it is horrible to say in addition to this, "He who was assumed is styled as God with him who assumed." He who says this divides him again into two Christs, and puts a man apart separately and God similarly. For he confessedly denies the union, according to which he is not worshiped as one [person] along with another, nor does he [merely] share the style of God. But one Christ Jesus is thought of, the unique Son, honored by one worship with his own flesh. And we confess that he who was begotten from God the Father as Son and God only-begotten,11 though being by his own nature impassible, suffered in the flesh for us, according to the Scriptures, and he was in the crucified flesh impassibly making his own the sufferings of his own flesh. So by the grace of God he tasted death for everyone, giving up his own body to it, although by nature he was life, and was himself the resurrection. . . . 12 9

I Cor. 6:17; "natural union," henosis physike, a union of natures or in nature, is in Cyril's terminology interchangeable with "union by hypostasis," hath' hypostasin; in terminology at least this is the source of the Monophysite error, in which the humanity of Christ, however complete, is considered merely adjectival to his essential divine nature. 10 Gal. 4:4. u Cyril evidently knew the reading monogenes theos in John 1:18 instead of lz monogenes huios, "only-begotten Son." Heb. 2:9; John 11:25.

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We must necessarily add this: proclaiming the death in the flesh of the unique Son of God, that is, Jesus Christ, and confessing his return to life from the dead, and his reception into heaven, we celebrate the unbloody service in the churches.13 So we approach to the mystical gifts14 and are sanctified, becoming partakers of the holy flesh and the honorable blood of Christ the Saviour of us all, not receiving it as ordinary flesh —God forbid—nor as that of a man sanctified and conjoined with the Word by a unity of honor, or as one who had received a divine indwelling, but as truly life-giving and the Word's own flesh. For being by nature, as God, life, when he had become one with his own flesh, he made it life-giving. . . . We do not divide the terms used in the Gospels of the Saviour as God or man between two hypostases, or Persons, for the one and only Christ is not twofold, though he is thought of as out of two, and as uniting different entities into the indivisible unity—as man is thought of as of body and soul, and yet not as twofold, but one out of both. . . . For if it is necessary to believe that, being God by nature, he became flesh, that is, man ensouled with a rational soul,15 for what reason should some be embarrassed by some of his sayings that may be such as befit humanity? 16 . . . All the terms used in the Gospels are to be referred to one Person, the one incarnate hypostasis of the Word. 17 There is one Lord Jesus Christ, according to the Scriptures. . . . Since the holy Virgin gave birth after the flesh to God who was united by hypostasis with flesh, therefore we say that she is theotokos, not as though the nature of the Word had the begin13 Liturgical phrases from the Eucharistic Prayer—closer actually to the Byzantine Liturgies than to the Alexandrian forms one might expect Cyril to quote. 14 Eulogiai, gifts of compliment or blessing, here of the sacramental gifts themselves. On the significance of the Eucharist in this controversy, cf. H. Chadwick, "Eucharist and Christology in the Nestorian Controversy," Journal of Theological Studies, new series, vol. ii, 1951, pp. 145-164. *s Note Cyril's definition of what he means by "flesh." is "One can understand how the Synoptic data, which formed the firmest basis of the Antiochene Christology, to some extent presented themselves to the doctors of Alexandria as difficulties to be resolved" (J. Lebon, Le Monophysisme Sivirkn, Louvain, 1909, p. 235). !' Cyril could equally say "one nature (physis) of the incarnate Word," since he avoids speaking of a duality of either physis or hypostasis in Christ; in this form the phrase, ultimately of Apollinarian origin (PseudoAthanasius, On the Incarnation of the Word of God, in Migne, Patrologia Graeca, Vol. 28, cols. 25-30), became a Monophysite slogan.

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ning of its existence from flesh . . . [nor that the Word needed human birth, but that by accepting it he blessed the beginning of our existence, and removed the curse from i t ] . . . . For this cause we say that he also in his [earthly] dispensation blessed marriage itself, and went when he had been invited to Cana of Galilee with the holy apostles.18 We have learned to hold these things from the holy apostles and Evangelists and all the God-inspired Scripture, and by the true confession of the blessed Fathers. All these it is necessary for Your Reverence to accept and support without deceit; and what Your Reverence must anathematize is subjoined to this our letter: 1. If anyone does not confess that Emmanuel is God in truth, and therefore the holy Virgin is theotokos—for she bore in the flesh the Word of God become flesh—let him be anathema. 2. If anyone does not confess that the Word of God the Father was united by hypostasis to flesh and is one Christ with his own flesh, that is, the same both God and man together, let him be anathema. 3. If anyone divides the hypostases in the one Christ after the union, joining them only by a conjunction in dignity, or authority or power, and not rather by a coming together in a union by nature, let him be anathema. 4. If anyone distributes between two persons or hypostases the terms used in the evangelical and apostolic writings, whether spoken of Christ by the saints or by him about himself, and attaches some to a man thought of separately from the Word of God, and others as befitting God to the Word of God the Father alone, let him be anathema. 5. If anyone dares to say that Christ was a God-bearing man, and not rather God in truth, being by nature one Son, inasmuch as the Word became flesh, and is made partaker of blood and flesh precisely like us, 19 let him be anathema. 6. If anyone says that the Word of God the Father was the God or Master of Christ, and does not rather confess the same both God and man, the Word having become flesh according to the Scriptures, let him be anathema. is John 2:2. 19 John 1114; Heb. 2:14; Nestorius here comes closest to directly countering Cyril's position: "If anyone dares to say that after the taking of manhood {post assumptionem hominis), the Son of God is one by nature, when he is also Emmanuel, let him be anathema" (the counteranathemas are preserved in the Latin version of Marius Mercator; ed. in Loofs, Nestoriana, pp. 211-217; with comments in Bindley, Oecumenical Documents, pp. 125137; translation in Percival, Seven Ecumenical Councils, pp. 205-218). C.L.F.—23

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7. If anyone says that Jesus was energized as a man by the Word from God, and clothed with the glory of the Onlybegotten, as being another besides him, let him be anathema. 8. If anyone dares to say that the man who was assumed ought to be worshiped with God the Word and glorified with him, and with him styled God, as being one [being] in a different one—for the constantly added "with" forces one to think this—and does not rather honor Emmanuel with one veneration, and send up to him one doxology, inasmuch as the Word has become flesh, let him be anathema. 9. If anyone says that the one Lord Jesus Christ was glorified by the Spirit, as making use of an alien power that worked through him, and received from him the power to prevail over unclean spirits and to accomplish divine wonders among men, and does not rather say that it was his own Spirit, through whom also he worked the divine wonders, let him be anathema. 10. The divine Scripture speaks of Christ as the High Priest and Apostle of our confession, and [says that] he offered himself for us for an odor of sweet savor to his God and Father. 20 If anyone says that the Word of God himself did not become our High Priest and Apostle, when he became flesh and man for us, but as it were another [who was] separately from him man of woman—or if anyone says that he offered the offering for himself, and not rather for us alone, for he who knew no sin had no need of offering,21 let him be anathema. 11. If anyone does not confess that the flesh of the Lord is life-giving, and the own [flesh] of the Word of God the Father, but as of another besides him, associated with him in dignity, or having received merely a divine indwelling—and not rather life-giving, as we said, because it became the own [flesh] of the Word who is able to give life to all things, let him be anathema. 12. If anyone does not confess that the Word of God suffered in the flesh and was crucified in the flesh and tasted death in the flesh, and became the first-born of the dead, although he is as God Life and life-giving, let him be anathema. 20 Heb. 3:1; Eph. 5:2.

21

Heb. 7:26-28.

VII. THE FORMULA OF UNION OF 433 INTRODUCTION

At Ephesus in 431 the bishops of the Roman "Orient," headed by John of Antioch, had arrived late and held a rival council which supported Nestorius and deposed Cyril. But when Cyril's Council and its decisions against Nestorius were accepted by the emperor and the other great sees, the Oriental bishops gradually came around to acknowledging its practical actions —subject to an explanation in favor of the Antiochene doctrine of the distinct human nature of Christ which Nestorius had maintained. Bishop Paul of Emesa went to Alexandria with a formula drawn up at Antioch; he was accepted as an orthodox bishop and preached in Cyril's presence on Christmas Day. Early in the next year Cyril confirmed the reconciliation by this letter to John of Antioch, in which he accepts the Antiochene statement, though not quite making it his own—Antioch would still prefer to speak of the unconfused, Alexandria of the undivided, union of God and man, and Antioch still suspected Cyril of Apollinarian tendencies. As an effort at reconciling the two points of view, the Formula of Union is an important step towards the combination of the two in the Ghalcedonian Decree. Cyril's letter to John begins dramatically: "Let the heavens rejoice and the earth be glad, for the middle wall of partition is broken down," 1 and then takes note of the happy visit of Paul of Emesa. The main section is here translated as edited by Schwartz.2 1 Ps. 96 (95):n; Eph. 2:14. Ada conciliorum, Vol. i, 4, Berlin and Leipzig, 1928, pp. 15-20; text and translation also in Bindley, Oecumenical Documents, pp. 138-148, 220-223; translation in Percival, Seven Ecumenical Councils, pp. 251-253. 355

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. . . That the division which arose between the Churches was entirely superfluous and unjustified, we are now thoroughly convinced, since my lord the most God-beloved bishop Paul has produced a paper containing an unimpeachable confession of the faith, and assures us that this was drawn up by Your Holiness and the most devout bishops there. The document is as follows, and it is incorporated word for word in this letter of ours: "We must necessarily state briefly what we are convinced of and profess about the God-bearing Virgin, and the manner of the incarnation of the unique Son of God—not by way of addition but in the manner of a full statement, adding nothing at all to the Creed of the holy Fathers put forth at Nicaea. For, as we have just said, it is sufficient both for the whole knowledge of godliness and for the repudiation of all heretical false teaching. We speak, then, not as daring things impossible, but by the confession of our own weakness shutting out those who wish to reproach us in that we look into things that are beyond man. 3 "We confess, then, our Lord Jesus Christ, the unique Son of God, perfect God and perfect man, of a reasonable soul and body; begotten of the Father before [the] ages according to the Godhead, the same in the last days for us and for our salvation [born] of Mary the Virgin according to the manhood; the same consubstantial with the Father in Godhead, and consubstantial with us in manhood, for a union of two natures took place; therefore we confess one Christ, one Son, one Lord. According to this understanding of the unconfused union we confess the holy Virgin to be theotokos, because God the Word was made flesh and lived as man, and from the very conception united to himself the temple4 taken from her. As to the evangelical and apostolic phrases about the Lord, we know that theologians treat some in common, as of one person, and distinguish others, as of two natures, and interpret the Godbefitting ones in connection with the Godhead of Christ, and the humble ones of the manhood." 3 The Antiochenes seem to write somewhat ironically, picking up Cyril's line of strict loyalty to the Creed of Nicaea, while gently disclaiming any effort to explain all mysteries. 4 "The temple of his body," John 2:21, a text which Nestorius had rather overworked.

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On reading these holy phrases, and rinding that we ourselves are also thus convinced—for [there is] one Lord, one faith, one baptism5—we glorified God the Saviour of all, rejoicing together that both our Churches and yours have a creed agreeing with the God-inspired Scriptures and the tradition of our holy Fathers. But since I learned that some of those who are accustomed to be fond of finding fault were buzzing around like fierce wasps, and were spitting out evil words against me, as if I said that the holy body of Christ came down from heaven and was not of the holy Virgin, I thought it necessary to address a few words to them about this. O fools, who know only how to slander! How did you pervert your thinking so far, and fall sick with such folly? For you must surely clearly understand that almost all our fight for the faith was connected with our declaring that the holy Virgin is theotokos. But if we say that the holy body of Christ the Saviour of us all was from heaven and not of her, how could she be thought of as theotokos?6 For whom indeed did she bear, if it is not true that she bore Emmanuel after the flesh? . . . [the true birth is supported by texts from Isa., ch. 7; Luke, ch. 1; and Matt., ch. 1]. But since God the Word, who descended from above and from heaven, emptied himself, taking the form of a servant, and is styled Son of Man, while remaining what he is, that is, God—for he is unchangeable and unalterable by nature—now being thought of as one with his own flesh, he is said to come down from heaven, and is called [the] man from heaven,7 being perfect in Godhead, and the same perfect in manhood, and thought of as in one person—for [there is] one Lord Jesus Christ, although the difference of the natures is not ignored, out of which we say that the ineffable union was effected. As to those who say that there was a mixture or confusion or blending of God the Word with the flesh, let Your Holiness stop their mouths. For some probably report this about me, as though I had thought or said so. But I am so far away from thinking thus that I think they are out of their minds who can at all suppose that a shadow of turning 8 could occur in connection with the divine nature of the Word. For he ever remains the same, and is not altered; nor indeed could he ever be altered or subject to variation. In addition we all confess that the Word of God is impassible, though in his all-wise dispensation s Eph. 4:5. « Gf. Gregory of Nazianzus on the same point, Epistle 101, pp. 216, 217. 8 7 I Cor. 15:47. James 1:17.

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of the mystery, he is seen to attribute to himself the sufferings undergone by his own flesh. So the all-wise Peter spoke of Christ suffering for us in the flesh, and not in the nature of the ineffable Godhead.9 [Finally Cyril declares that he holds fast to the teaching of Athanasius and of the Fathers of Nicaea, and sends John a correct copy of Athanasius' Letter to Epictetus, since corrupt versions are in circulation.] »I Peter 4:1.

VIII. THE TOME OF LEO INTRODUCTION

Eutyches was condemned by the "visiting synod" of bishops who happened to be at Constantinople—a curious but recognized piece of Byzantine ecclesiastical machinery—on November 22, 448. On this occasion the actual phrase "two natures" was first authoritatively insisted on, which later enabled Dioscorus of Alexandria to attack Flavian for an unauthorized addition to the Creed. As the meeting broke up, Eutyches spoke of appealing to the synods of Rome, Alexandria, and Jerusalem; one bystander heard him say Thessalonica as well.1 On hearing from Eutyches, Leo realized that what the abbot called Nestorianism was orthodoxy at Rome; but Flavian did not send him the official minutes until May. Though somewhat irked at the delay, Leo gave Flavian his full support in the Tome, which would, he hoped, end the controversy. But Theodosius II had already summoned the council which was to go down in history as the Robber Council, Latrocinium, of Ephesus. Suppressed at Ephesus, the Tome was approved at Chalcedon, and is thus the one representative of Western theology in the official documents of the Ecumenical Councils. It is a fine specimen of the straightforwardness and clarity of the Latin mind—as also of the Western approach to the mysteries of Christianity from the facts of faith rather than the speculations of philosophy. Basically, the pope tells the old monk that he should go back and read his Bible. In some ways, Leo's assertion of the gospel of God and man in Christ stopped short where Greek speculation on the subject began. But essentially he had stated the common faith. Not unnaturally, the doctrine here 1 E. Schwartz, Ada conciliorum, Vol. ii, 1, Berlin and Leipzig, 1933, p. 175. 359

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stated is further expounded in Leo's sermons for the Christmas feast, which has commonly been more central in Western piety than in Eastern. Leo could cheerfully have sung Charles Wesley's Christmas hymn, or joined in the words of a seventeenth century poet: "Welcome, all wonders in one sight! Eternity shut in a span! Summer in Winter, Day in Night! Heaven in Earth, and God in Man! Great little one! whose all-embracing birth, Lifts Earth to Heaven, stoops Heaven to Earth!" 2 The Tome is preserved in collections of the Acts of Chalcedon as well as in those of the Letters of Leo, of which it is No. 28 in modern editions. The first critical edition of the works of Leo was that of the Jansenist Quesnel in 1675. This unorthodox association led the learned Pope Benedict XIV to encourage the improved, and still standard, edition of the brothers Ballerini in 1753—1757. There are several translations, of which that by William Bright3 seems to come closest to reproducing in English the effect of Leo's solemn but compressed Latin; Leo was a master of a majestic style, both influenced by and influencing the then young tradition of the Roman Liturgy. Bright's version is here reprinted with some changes in capitals and punctuation. THE TEXT

Leo to his beloved brother Flavian: 1. Having read Your Affection's letter, the late arrival of which is matter of surprise to us, and having gone through the record of the proceedings of the bishops, we have now, at last, gained a clear view of the scandal which has risen up among you, against the integrity of the faith; and what at first seemed obscure has now been elucidated and explained. By this means Eutyches, who seemed to be deserving of honor 2 Richard Crashaw, "In the Holy Nativity of Our Lord God," in Carmen deo nostro, Paris, 1652. 3 Select Sermons of St. Leo the Great on the Incarnation, with His Twenty-eighth Epistle, Called the Tome, 2d ed., London, 1886, pp. 109-123; cf. also text in Schwartz, Ada, Vol. ii, 2, 1, pp. 24-33; translation by C. L. Feltoe in Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, Series II, Vol. xii, New York, 1895, pp. 38-43; text and translation in Bindley, Oecumenical Documents, pp. 159-180, 223-231.

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4

under the title of presbyter, is now known to be exceedingly thoughtless and sadly inexperienced, so that to him may apply what the prophet said, "He refused to understand that he might act well; he meditated unrighteousness on his bed." 5 What, indeed, is more unrighteous than to entertain ungodly thoughts, and not to yield to persons wiser and more learned? But into this folly do they fall who, when hindered by some obscurity from knowing the truth, have recourse, not to the words of the prophets, not to the letters of the apostles, nor to the authority of the Gospels, but to themselves; and become teachers of error, just because they have not been disciples of the truth. For what learning has he received from the sacred pages of the New and Old Testaments, who does not so much as understand the very beginning of the Creed? And that which, all the world over, is uttered by the voices of all applicants for regeneration is still not apprehended by the mind of this aged man. 2. If, then, he knew not what he ought to think about the incarnation of the Word of God, and was not willing, for the sake of obtaining the light of intelligence, to make laborious search through the whole extent of the Holy Scriptures, he should at least have received with heedful attention that general confession common to all, whereby the whole body of the faithful profess that they "believe in God the Father Almighty, and in Jesus Christ his only Son our Lord, Who was born of the Holy Spirit and the Virgin Mary." By which three clauses the engines of almost all heretics are shattered. For when God is believed to be both "Almighty" and "Father," it is found that the Son is everlasting together with himself, differing in nothing from the Father, because he was born as "God from God," Almighty from Almighty, Coeternal from Eternal; not later in time, not unlike him in glory, not divided from him in essence; and the same only-begotten and everlasting Son of an eternal Parent was "born of the Holy Ghost and the Virgin Mary." 6 This birth in time in no way detracted from, in no way added to, that divine and everlasting birth; but expended itself wholly in the work of restoring man, who had been 4

With reference perhaps to the etymology of "presbyter"—Eutyches does not display the discretion one would expect in an elder. 5Ps. 36 (35): 3,4. 6 Leo has quoted from both the Roman Symbol (Apostles' Creed) and the Nicene formula, apparently considering them, not as two different documents, but as two statements of the same faith.

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deceived, so that it might both overcome death, and by its power "destroy the devil who had the power of death." 7 For we could not have overcome the author of sin and of death, unless he who could neither be contaminated by sin nor detained by death had taken upon himself our nature and made it his own. For, in fact, he was "conceived of the Holy Ghost" within the womb of a virgin mother, who bare him, as she had conceived him, without loss of virginity. But if he [Eutyches] was not able to obtain a true conception from this pure fountain of Christian faith, because by his own blindness he had darkened the brightness of a truth so clear, he should have submitted himself to the evangelical teaching; and after reading what Matthew says, "The book of the generation of Jesus Christ, the son of David, the son of Abraham," 8 he should also have sought instruction from the apostolical preaching; and after reading in the Epistle to the Romans, "Paul, a servant of God, called an apostle, separated unto the gospel of God, which he had promised before by the prophets in the Holy Scriptures, concerning his Son, who was made unto him of the seed of David according to the flesh," 9 he should have bestowed some devout study on the pages of the prophets; and, finding that God's promise said to Abraham, "In thy seed shall all nations be blessed," 10 in order to avoid all doubt as to the proper meaning of this "seed," he should have attended to the apostle's words, "To Abraham and to his seed were the promises made. He saith not, 'and to seeds,' as in the case of many, but, as in the case of one, 'and to thy seed,' which is Christ." n He should also have apprehended with his inward ear the declaration of Isaiah, "Behold, a virgin shall conceive, and bear a son, and they shall call his name Emmanuel, which is, being interpreted, God with us"; and should have read with faith the words of the same prophet, "Unto us a child has been born, unto us a son has been given, whose power is on his shoulder; and they shall call his name Angel of Great Counsel, Wonderful, Counselor, Strong God, Prince of Peace, Father of the Age to Come." 12 And he should not have spoken idly to the effect that the Word was in such a sense made flesh, that the Christ who was brought forth from the Virgin's womb had the form of a man, but had not a body really derived from his mother's body. ' Heb. 2:14. 9 Rom. 1:1-3. H Gal. 3:16.

8

Matt. 1:1. 10 Gen. 22:18. 12 Isa. 7:14 (Matt. 1:23); 9:6.

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Possibly his reason for thinking that our Lord Jesus Christ was not of our nature was this: that the angel who was sent to the blessed and ever-virgin Mary said, "The Holy Ghost shall come upon thee, and the power of the Highest shall overshadow thee, and therefore also that holy thing which shall be born of thee shall be called Son of God" 13; as if, because the Virgin's conception was caused by a divine act, therefore the flesh of him whom she conceived was not of the nature of her who conceived him. But we are not to understand that "generation," peerlessly wonderful, and wonderfully peerless, in such a sense as that the newness of the mode of production did away with the proper character of the kind. For it was the Holy Ghost who gave fecundity to the Virgin, but it was from a body that a real body was derived; and "when Wisdom was building herself a house," "the Word was made flesh, and dwelt among us," 14 that is, in that flesh which he assumed from a human being, and which he animated with the spirit of rational life. 3. Accordingly, while the distinctness of both natures and substances is preserved, and both meet in one Person, lowliness is assumed by majesty, weakness by power, mortality by eternity; and in order to pay the debt of our condition, the inviolable nature has been united to the passible, so that, as the appropriate remedy for our ills, one and the same "Mediator between God and men, the man Christ Jesus," 15 might from one element be capable of dying, and from the other be incapable. Therefore16 in the entire and perfect nature of very Man was born very God, whole in what was his, whole in what was ours. (By "ours" we mean what the Creator formed in us at the beginning, and what he assumed in order to restore); for of that which the deceiver brought in, and man, thus deceived, admitted, there was not a trace in the Saviour; and the fact that he took on himself a share in our infirmities did not make him a partaker in our transgressions. He took on him "the form of a servant" without the defilement of sins, augmenting what was human, not diminishing what was divine; because that "emptying of himself," 17 whereby the Invisible made himself visible, and the Creator and Lord of all things willed to be 14 13 Luke 1:35. Prov. 9:1; John 1:14. 15 I Tim. 2:5, a favorite text of Augustine's (e.g., Confessions, x, 43). 1* With an economy that many preachers will understand, Leo used this and the following two sentences in one of his Christmas sermons (xxii, 1); and the previous sentence is almost reproduced in Sermon xxi, 2. 17 Phil. 2:7.

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one among mortals, was a stooping down of compassion, not a failure of power. Accordingly,18 the same who, remaining in the form of God, made man, was made Man in the form of a servant. For each of the natures retains its proper character without defect; and as the form of God does not take away the form of a servant, so the form of a servant does not impair the form of God. For since the devil was glorying in the fact that man, deceived by his craft, was bereft of divine gifts, and, being stripped of this endowment of immortality, had come under the grievous sentence of death, and that he himself, amid his miseries, had found a sort of consolation in having a transgressor as his companion, and that God, according to the requirements of the principle of justice, had changed his own resolution in regard to man, whom he had created in so high a position of honor, there was need of a dispensation of secret counsel, in order that the unchangeable God, whose will could not be deprived of its own benignity, should fulfill by a more secret mystery his original plan of loving-kindness towards us, and that man, who had been led into fault by the wicked subtlety of the devil, should not perish contrary to God's purpose. 4. Accordingly,19 the Son of God, descending from his seat in heaven, yet not departing from the glory of the Father, enters this lower world, born after a new order, by a new mode of birth. After a new order, because he who in his own sphere is invisible became visible in ours; he who could not be enclosed in space willed to be enclosed; continuing to be before times, he began to exist in time; the Lord of the universe allowed his infinite majesty to be overshadowed, and took upon him the form of a servant: the impassible God did not disdain to become passible, and the immortal one to be subject to the laws of death. And born by a new mode of birth, because inviolate virginity, while ignorant of concupiscence, supplied the matter of his flesh. What was assumed from the Lord's mother was nature, not fault; and the fact that the nativity of our Lord Jesus Christ is wonderful, in that he was born of a virgin's womb, does not imply that his nature is unlike ours. For the selfsame who is very God is also very Man: and there is no illusion in this union, while the lowliness of man and the loftiness of Godhead meet together. For as "God" is not changed is This and the following sentence appear in Sermon xxiii, 2; Bright uses "accordingly" for several Latin connectives—ergo, igitur, proinde. 19 This and the following sentence appear in Sermon xxii, 2.

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by the compassion [exhibited], so "Man" is not consumed by the dignity [bestowed]. For each "form" does the acts which belong to it, in communion with the other; the Word, that is, performing what belongs to the Word, and the flesh carrying out what belongs to the flesh. The one of these shines out in miracles; the other succumbs to injuries. And as the Word does not withdraw from equality with the Father in glory, so the flesh does not abandon the nature of our kind. For, as we must often be saying, he is one and the same, truly Son of God, and truly Son of Man: God, inasmuch as "in the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God"; Man, inasmuch as "the Word was made flesh, and dwelt among us." God, inasmuch as "all things were made by him, and without him nothing was made"; Man, inasmuch as he was "made of a woman, made under the law." 20 The nativity of the flesh is a manifestation of human nature: the Virgin's child-bearing is an indication of divine power. The infancy of the babe is exhibited by the humiliation of swaddling clothes; the greatness of the highest is declared by the voices of angels. He whom Herod impiously designs to slay is like humanity in its beginnings; but he whom the Magi rejoice to adore on their knees is Lord of all. Now when he came to the baptism of John his forerunner, lest the fact that the Godhead was covered with a veil of flesh should be concealed, the voice of the Father spoke in thunder from heaven, "This is my beloved son, in whom I am well pleased." 21 Accordingly, he who, as man, is tempted by the devil's subtlety is the same to whom, as God, angels pay duteous service.22 To hunger, to thirst, to be weary, and to sleep is evidently human. But to feed five thousand men with five loaves, and to bestow on the woman of Samaria that living water, to drink of which can secure one from thirsting again; to walk on the surface of the sea with feet that sink not, and by rebuking the storm to bring down the "uplifted waves," is unquestionably divine.23 As then—to pass by many points—it does not belong to the same nature to weep with feelings of pity over a dead friend and, after the mass of stone had been removed from the grave where he had lain four days, by a voice of command to raise him up to life again; or to hang on the wood and to make all the elements tremble after daylight had been turned into 20 John 1:1, 3, 14; Gal. 4:4. 21 Matt. 3:17. Matt. 4:11; Mark 1:13. 23 P s : M a - 9 3 (92) 3» 45 « . 8:26 ( M a r k 4 : 3 9 ; L u k e 8:24, 2 5 ) .

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night; or to be transfixed with nails and to open the gates of paradise to the faith of the robber, so it does not belong to the same nature to say, "I and the Father are one," and to say, "The Father is greater than I." 24 For although in the Lord Jesus Christ there is one Person of God and man, yet that whereby contumely attaches to both is one thing, and that whereby glory attaches to both is another: for from what belongs to us he has that manhood which is inferior to the Father; while from the Father he has equal Godhead with the Father. 5. Accordingly, on account of this unity which is to be understood as existing in both the natures, we read, on the one hand, that "the Son of Man came down from heaven," 25 inasmuch as the Son of God took flesh from that Virgin of whom he was born; and, on the other hand, the Son of God is said to have been crucified and buried, inasmuch as he underwent this, not in his actual Godhead, wherein the Onlybegotten is coeternal and consubstantial with the Father, but in the weakness of human nature. Wherefore we all, in the very Creed, confess that "the only-begotten Son of God was crucified and buried," according to that saying of the apostle, "For if they had known it, they would not have crucified the Lord of majesty." 26 And when our Lord and Saviour himself was by his questions instructing the faith of the disciples, he said, "Who do men say that I the Son of Man am?" And when they had mentioned various opinions held by others, he said, "But who say ye that I am?" that is, "I who am Son of Man, and whom you see in the form of a servant, and in reality of flesh, who say ye that I am?" Whereupon the blessed Peter, as inspired by God, and about to benefit all nations by his confession, said, "Thou art the Christ, the Son of the living God." 21 Not undeservedly, therefore, was he pronounced blessed by the Lord, and derived from the original Rock that solidity which belonged both to his virtue and to his name, who through revelation from the Father confessed the selfsame to be both the Son of God and the Christ; because one of these truths, accepted without the other, would not profit unto salvation, and it was equally dangerous to believe the Lord Jesus Christ to be merely God and not man or merely man and not God. 24

J o h n 10:30; 14:28; cf. the similar passage in Gregory of Nazianzus, T h i r d Theological Oration, 17-20, p p . 171-175. 25 John 3:13. 26 I Cor. 2:8. 27 Matt. 16:13-19; Peter derives his solidity from Christ the original rock (petra prirwipalis)—cf. I Cor. 10:4.

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But after the resurrection of the Lord—which was in truth the resurrection of a real body, for no other person was raised again than he who had been crucified and had died—what else was accomplished during that interval of forty days than to make our faith entire and clear of all darkness? For a while he conversed with his disciples, and dwelt with them, and ate with them, and allowed himself to be handled with careful and inquisitive touch by those who were under the influence of doubt; and this was his purpose in entering in to them when the doors were shut, and by his breath giving them the Holy Ghost and opening the secrets of Holy Scripture after bestowing on them the light of intelligence, and again in his selfsame person showing to them the wound in the side, the prints of the nails, and all the fresh tokens of the Passion, saying, "Behold my hands and feet, that it is I myself; handle me and see, for a spirit hath not flesh and bones, as ye see me have" 28 ; that the properties of the divine and the human nature might be acknowledged to remain in him without causing a division, and that we might in such sort know that the Word is not what the flesh is as to confess that the one Son of God is both Word and flesh. On which mystery of the faith this Eutyches must be regarded as unhappily having no hold whatever; for he has not acknowledged our nature to exist in the only-begotten Son of God, by way either of the lowliness of mortality or of the glory of resurrection. Nor has he been overawed by the declaration of the blessed Apostle and Evangelist John, saying, "Every spirit that confesseth that Jesus Christ has come in the flesh is of God, and every spirit which dissolveth Jesus is not of God, and this is Antichrist." 29 Now what is to dissolve Jesus, but to separate the human nature from him, and to make void by shameless inventions that mystery by which alone we have been saved? Moreover, seeing he is blind as to the nature of Christ's body, he must needs be involved in the like senseless blindness with regard to his Passion also. For if he does not think the Lord's crucifixion to be unreal, and does not doubt that he really accepted suffering, even unto death, for the sake of the world's salvation; as he believes in his death, let him acknowledge his flesh also, and not doubt that he whom he recognizes as having been capable of suffering is also man with a body like ours; since to deny his true flesh is also to deny his bodily sufferings. *» Luke 24:39. « I John 4:2, 3.

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If, then, he accepts the Christian faith, and does not turn away his ear from the preaching of the gospel, let him see what nature it was that was transfixed with nails and hung on the wood of the cross; and let him understand whence it was that, after the side of the crucified had been pierced by the soldier's spear, blood and water flowed out, that the Church of God might be refreshed both with the Laver and with the Cup. 30 Let him listen also to the blessed apostle Peter when he declares that "sanctification by the Spirit" takes place through the "sprinkling of the blood of Christ": and let him not give a mere cursory reading to the words of the same apostle, "Knowing that ye were not redeemed with corruptible things, as silver and gold, from your vain way of life received by tradition from your fathers, but with the precious blood of Jesus Christ, as of a lamb without blemish and without spot." 31 Let him also not resist the testimony of blessed John the apostle, "And the blood of Jesus the Son of God cleanseth us from all sin." And again: "This is the victory which overcometh the world, even our faith"; and: "Who is he that overcometh the world, but he that believeth that Jesus is the Son of God? This is he that came by water and blood, even Jesus Christ; not by water only, but by water and blood; and it is the Spirit that beareth witness, because the Spirit is truth. . . . For there are three that bear witness, the spirit, the water, and the blood; and the three are one." 32 That is, the Spirit of sanctification, and the blood of redemption, and the water of baptism; which three things are one, and remain undivided, and not one of them is disjoined from connection with the others: because the Catholic Church lives and advances in this faith, that in Christ Jesus we must believe neither manhood to exist without true Godhead, nor Godhead without true manhood. 6. But when Eutyches, on being questioned in your examination of him, answered, "I confess that our Lord was of two natures before the union, but after the union I confess one nature," I am astonished that so absurd and perverse a profession as this of his was not rebuked by a censure on the part of any of his judges, and that an utterance extremely foolish and extremely blasphemous was passed over, just as if nothing had been heard which could give offense: seeing that it is as impious to say that the only-begotten Son of God was of two 3

"John 19:34, interpreted of the water of Baptism and the cup of the Eucharist, at least primarily. 3i I Peter 1:2, 18, 19. 32 1 John 117; 5:5, 6, 8.

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natures before the incarnation as it is shocking to affirm that, since the Word became flesh, there has been in him one nature only. But lest Eutyches should think that what he said was correct, or was tolerable, because it was not confuted by any assertion of yours, we exhort your earnest solicitude, dearly beloved brother, to see that, if by God's merciful inspiration the case should be brought to a satisfactory issue, this inconsiderate and inexperienced man be cleansed also from this pestilent notion of his; seeing that, as the record of the proceedings shows, he had fairly begun to abandon his own opinions, when, on being driven into a corner by authoritative words of yours, he professed himself ready to say what he had not said before, and to give his adhesion to that faith from which he had previously stood aloof. But when he would not consent to anathematize the impious dogma, you understood, brother, that he continued in his own misbelief, and deserved to receive sentence of condemnation.33 For which if he grieves sincerely and to good purpose, and understands, even though too late, how properly the episcopal authority has been put in motion, or if, in order to make full satisfaction, he shall condemn viva voce, and under his own hand, all that he has held amiss, no compassion, to whatever extent, which can be shown him, will be worthy of blame; for our Lord, the true and good Shepherd, who laid down his life for his sheep, and who came to save men's souls and not to destroy them, 34 wills us to imitate his own loving-kindness, so that justice should indeed constrain those who sin, but mercy should not reject those who are converted. For then indeed is true faith defended with the best results, when a false opinion is condemned even by those who have followed it. But in order that the whole matter may be piously and faithfully carried out, we have appointed our brethren, Julius, bishop, and Renatus, presbyter, and also my son Hilarus, deacon, to represent us 35 ; 33

Eutyches admitted, contrary to his previous teaching, that Christ was, as man, consubstantial with us, but refused to abandon his confession of one nature after the union, and so was deposed (Acts of November 22, 448, in Schwartz, Ada, Vol. ii, 1, pp. 142-145). Leo seems first to blame Flavian for not having argued the point, and then admits it might have been useless. 34 John 10:15; Luke 9:56. 35 Of the legates thus appointed, Renatus died on his way to the East, and Julius, bishop of Puteoli, took no prominent part in the Robber Council. Hilary's Latin contradicitur stands out startlingly in the Greek of the record of the condemnation of Flavian on August 8. (Schwartz, C.L.F.—24

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and with them we have associated Dulcitius, our notary, of whose fidelity we have had good proof; trusting that the divine assistance will be with you, that he who has gone astray may be saved by condemning his own unsound opinion. May God keep you in good health, dearly beloved brother. Given on the ides of June, in the consulate of the illustrious men Asturius and Protogenes.36 Ada, Vol. ii, i, p. 191.) He escaped from Ephesus with some difficulty and years afterward when he had succeeded Leo as bishop erected a chapel in thanksgiving at the Lateran Basilica. 36 June 13, 449.

IX. THE CHALCEDONIAN DECREE INTRODUCTION

At its second session, on October 10, 451, the Council of Chalcedon approved a series of documents as statements of orthodox teaching—the Creeds of Nicaea and Constantinople; Cyril's Second Letter to Nestorius, which stated his position less combatively than the Third; his Letter to John of Antioch; and the Tome. In the fourth session, October 17, the Council discussed the Tome and approved it more thoroughly; at the fifth, on October 22, it produced its own definition. In spite of considerable Eastern reluctance at accepting the key phrase, "In two natures," it was finally included.1 The actual drafting was carried through by a committee, and the document thus produced shows some of the cumbersomeness likely to occur in committee work. It succeeds remarkably, however, in saying what its authors wanted to say and no more. It first reaffirms the Creeds of Nicaea 2 and Constantinople. The former is to "shine forth," the latter to be in force, which seems to describe the actual usage of the Church ever since—the Creed of Nicaea is honored, but that of Constantinople is the actual "Nicene Creed" of worship and teaching. The text here given is the first official text of the Creed of Constantinople, and is that still used in the Eastern Orthodox Church. 1 Text in Schwartz, Ada, Vol. ii, 1, pp. 322-326; with translation in Bindley, Oecumenical Documents, pp. 183-199, 232-235; translation by Percival in Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, Series II, Vol. xiv, New York, 1905, pp. 262-265. 2 Many manuscripts give the Nicene Creed here in an enlarged form, adding many but not all of the additional phrases of Constantinople; but Schwartz is probably correct in rejecting these additions from the text.

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The Symbol of the One Hundred and Fifty at Constantinople: We believe in one God, Father Almighty, maker of heaven and earth, and of all things visible and invisible, And in one Lord Jesus Christ, the unique Son of God, begotten of the Father before all the ages, Light of Light, true God of true God, begotten, not made, of one substance with the Father, through whom all things came into being; who for us men and for our salvation came down from heaven, and was incarnate of [the] Holy Spirit and Mary the Virgin, and became man; he was crucified also for us under Pontius Pilate, and suffered, and was buried, and rose again on the third day according to the Scriptures; and ascended into heaven, and sits on the right hand of the Father, and is coming again with glory to judge living and dead; of whose Kingdom there will be no end. And in the Holy Spirit, the Lord, and the Life-giver, who proceeds from the Father, who with the Father and the Son is worshiped and glorified, who spoke through the prophets—[and] in one Holy Catholic and Apostolic Church; we confess one Baptism for the remission of sins. We look for the resurrection of the dead, and the life of the age to come. Amen. 3 [The Nicene Creed should have been enough, the decree continues, but the Fathers of Constantinople found it necessary to clarify the teaching on the Holy Spirit. Now that others either confuse or divide the Person of Christ, the Council has received as standards of orthodoxy the Synodical Letters of Cyril to Nestorius and the Easterns and the Letter of Leo to Flavian, that is, the Tome. Finally it proceeds to its own definition.] For [the Council] opposes those who try to divide the mystery of the dispensation4 into a dyad of Sons; and those 3

The additions to the Creed in Western use may be noted here; both Latin and English versions retain the Nicene phrase "God of God" before "Light of Light"; the addition of theftlioque("and from the Son") after "proceeds from the Father" was made almost casually in Spain at the reconciliation of the Spanish Arians in 589, later spread, and since the ninth century has been considered in the East to mark an error in doctrine as well as an unauthorized addition. The omission of "Holy" before "Catholic" in The Book of Common Prayer seems to be a mistake of Cranmer's editing. 4 A phrase suggested by Eph. 1:9, 10; the "dispensation" (oihmomia) is so often used with reference to the incarnation as practically to become a term for it.

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who dare to say that the Godhead of the only-begotten is passible it expels away from the company of the priests; and it resists those who think of a mixture or confusion of the two natures of Christ; and it drives away those who fancy that the form of a servant5 which he took of us was of a heavenly or some other substance; and those who imagine two natures of the Lord before the union but invent one after the union it anathematizes.6 Following therefore the holy Fathers, we confess one and the same our Lord Jesus Christ, and we all teach harmoniously [that he is] the same perfect in Godhead, the same perfect in manhood, truly God and truly man, the same of a reasonable soul and body; consubstantial with the Father in Godhead, and the same consubstantial with us in manhood, like us in all things except sin; begotten before ages of the Father in Godhead, the same in the last days for us; and for our salvation [born] of Mary the virgin theotokos in manhood, one and the same Christ, Son, Lord, unique; acknowledged in two natures 7 without confusion, without change, without division, without separation—the difference of the natures being by no means taken away because of the union, but rather the distinctive character of each nature being preserved, and [each] combining in one Person and hypostasis—not divided or separated into two Persons, but one and the same Son and only-begotten God, Word, Lord Jesus Christ; as the prophets of old and the Lord Jesus Christ himself taught us about him, and the symbol of the Fathers has handed down to us. Since we have determined these things with all possible accuracy and care, the holy and ecumenical Council has decreed that no one shall be allowed to bring forward another Creed,8 nor to compose or produce or think out or teach [such] to others. But those who dare either to compose another Creed, or propound, or teach, or deliver another Symbol to those who s Phil. 2:7. 6 Strictly, "one nature" and "two natures" as dogmatic terms were both new in 448. 7 The correct reading is "in," though older texts of the Acts often have "of" (ek); of the four following phrases, adverbs in Greek, the first two assert the permanence and the last two the inseparability of the two natures of Christ. In Greek, monogenes still does not precisely mean "only-begotten," though it implies it and is recognized as equivalent to the Latin unigenitus; in the Greek version of the Tome of Leo, however, it also translates unicus. 8 Different, that is, from the Creed of Nicaea as revised at Constantinople and interpreted at Chalcedon.

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wish to turn to the knowledge of the truth from paganism or Judaism, or from any kind of heresy 9—if they are bishops or clerics, the bishops shall be expelled from the episcopate, the clerics from the clergy; if they are monks or laymen, they shall be anathematized. 9

In the ancient catechumenate the traditio symboli, or delivery of the Creed to converts, both as a sacred formula and as a scheme of instruction, was an important part of preparation for Baptism.

X. EXTRACTS FROM LEONTIUS OF BYZANTIUM INTRODUCTION

The monk Leontius of Byzantium—c. 490-544—fell short of the highest distinction in his own day, though he was not without influence. He was probably one of the "Scythian monks" whose formula, "one of the Trinity suffered in the flesh," was rejected when Rome and Constantinople were reunited in 519. but afterwards approved by the Fifth Ecumenical Council. Later he emerged from his monastic retreat at Constantinople or Jerusalem to take part in several theological discussions of importance, including a formal conference between Chalcedonians and Monophysites in 533. He endeavors to balance the emphasis of Leo and Chalcedon on distinctness by a further exploration of the unity of Christ. His work left its mark on later Greek and so on Western theology, but his writings were long neglected or confused with those of others until modern studies re-established his importance. 1 His chief work, Three Books Against the Nestorians and Eutychians, was finally published by Cardinal Mai in 1844.2 The following extracts from it illustrate Leontius' handling of the problem of the kind of unity possible between God and man. Aristotelian terms and distinctions were coming back into use in the sixth century; on such a basis Monophysites advanced the argument that nothing can exist without a center of being, hypostasis—hence, if there is only one hypostasis in Christ, there 1

Cf. Friedrich Loofs, Leontius von Byzanz (Texte und Untersuchungen,

Vol. iii, 1-2), Leipzig, 1888; H. M. Relton, A Study in Christology, London, 1917, pp. 69-83; summary of studies in O. Bardenhewer, Geschichte der altkirchlichen Literatur, Vol. v, Freiburg, Herder, 1932, pp. 9-13. 2 Spicilegium Romanian, Vol. x, 2, Rome, 1844, pp. 1-127, reprinted in Migne, Patrologia Graeca, Vol. 86, 1, Paris, 1865, cols. 1267-1394. 375

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can be only one nature. Leontius' reply is that the humanity of Christ is neither "uncentered," anupostatos—"impersonal" is a misleading translation—nor self-centered, but "encentered" enupostatos, in God. One might compare Paul Tillich's description of the Christian man as neither autonomous nor heteronomous but theonomous.4 On the different kinds of unity Leontius comments: T H E TEXT

Of those things which exist substantially and are united in substance,5 some even in union preserve the proper character of their existence, while others are mixed together and injured so as to destroy the precise identity of the things united. The relation of things of the first kind, when observed with each other and in each other, produces one thing out of the two, and, as one might say, shows it to be one in number, still preserving the difference of being [existence] in the identity of the union. An example of this among living beings is our humanity, and among simple or natural objects the kind of relation to each other of things which have their own hypostasis and can exist by themselves. Such can be seen in the case of a torch; for the stock is one thing and the flamy nature of fire is another, but when they exist with each other and in each other, they make both into one torch. And as one might say, forcing it a little, fire is made wooden and wood fiery, the one sharing in the brightness of the fire, the other the earthy heaviness found in the firebrand, and each exchanges qualities with the other, while remaining in its own and unmixed identity.6 . . . Having distinguished these points, we must note that things which are exchanged with each other and transformed, being constituted out of different forms and substances, retain nothing unmixed after the composition of the things involved in the composition. But mixing and confusing the peculiar properties of all, all of them together, it has produced another mixed-up form, and there has been a jumbling and confusion 3

And some of their more erratically consistent thinkers went further and agreed that three hypostases in the Trinity meant three divinities. 4 Cf. Paul Tillich, Systematic Theology Chicago (University Press), 1951, 5 pp. 85, 86, 147-150. Or, "According to essence," kat' ousian. * Migne, Patrologia Graeca, Vol. 86, 1, col. 1304; the analogy is drawn out to parallel the "exchange of properties" (communicatio idiomatum) in Christ, by which one may say that God shed his own blood (Acts 20:28), or "the Son of Man came down from heaven" (John 3:13), etc.

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in the mixture of many hypostases and natures, preserving neither the individuality of the hypostasis nor the common quality of the nature, but producing something else which has come into being out of these, yet is not the same as any of its constituent parts. So then if Godhead and manhood, when united in substance, do not retain even in the union the natural property of each, they are mixed together, and there remains neither Godhead nor manhood, but another kind of substance has been produced, formed out of them and yet not the same. What could be more impious or abominable than even to conceive of this, not to speak of affirming it and teaching it as a dogma? It remains, then, that from this examination of the character of substantial union, we should grasp the unmixed [respective] identity of deity and humanity, according to the previous examples, gathering a faint image from all these things of the truth which is above all things, which shows that one entity is produced out of these, of which I do not care whether you call it Person or hypostasis or indivisible being or substratum, or anything else you may prefer. For the argument has now beaten and put to flight those who separate [them] in their relationship [speaking] of dignity or authority or some other relation of divided things, showing that they divide the natures into separate hypostases, and [such natures] can have no real fellowship or share in an exchange [of qualities]. 7 . . . [A later passage comments significantly on the relation of nature to supernature, as of man to indwelling deity:] And let us not pass it over unnoticed, that three causes may be observed from which every [kind of] energy is produced. One is from natural force, another from a corrupt state contrary to nature, and the other is observed to be a kind of advance or progress towards the better. These are and are called natural, unnatural, and supernatural respectively. The unnatural, as the name indicates, being a certain falling away of natural states and powers, injures the substance itself and its natural energies. The natural is produced from the unimpeded [natural] cause operating precisely according to nature. But the supernatural raises and elevates, and gives power for more perfect things, and such as could not be done while remaining in the natural [alone]. The supernatural does not destroy the natural [forces], but leads them on and impels them, so that they are both able to perform their own [functions], and also receive power for what is beyond them. 8 7 Ibid., col. 1305.

8 Ibid., col. 1333.

XI. THE ANATHEMAS OF THE SECOND COUNCIL OF CONSTANTINOPLE (FIFTH ECUMENICAL) INTRODUCTION

The Council of 553 was by no means such a simple victory for the imperial theologian as is often supposed. It does reflect the Cyrilline tradition in Eastern theology, for which the idea of God manifest in the fleshl was more congenial than the Leonine doctrine of two perfect natures. Monophysite ideas and even the favorite catchwords of the Monophysite party were thus given a place in the orthodox tradition; but even in the act of doing so, the Council of Constantinople protected the authority and the essential teaching of Chalcedon. Its decrees were thus ultimately acceptable to Rome and the West —and would not in any case have reconciled the Monophysites who at this stage did not want compromise but victory, and would have insisted on the repudiation of Chalcedon and the Tome of Leo.2 The ideas of the Council of Constantinople are most clearly stated in its anathemas, which are here translated from Mansi's great eighteenth century edition of the records of councils.3 The plan of Schwartz's edition included this Council, but it has not been reached. T H E TEXT

1. If anyone does not confess one nature or substance, one power and authority, of Father and Son and Holy Spirit, con1

2 3

I Tim. 3:16. Cf. W. A. Wigram, The Separation of the Monophysites, London, 1923. G. D. Mansi, Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio, Vol. ix, Florence, 1763, cols. 375-388. Text also in Bindley, Oecumenical Documents, pp. 153-156; translation in Percival, Seven Ecumenical Councils, pp. 312-316. 378

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substantial Trinity, one Deity worshiped in three hypostases or persons, let him be anathema. For [there is] one God and Father, of whom are all things, and one Lord Jesus Christ, through whom are all things, and one Holy Spirit, in whom are all things.4 2. If anyone does not confess that there are the two generations of God the Word, one before ages of the Father, nontemporal and bodiless, the other at the last days when the same came down from heaven and was incarnate of the holy, glorious, theotokos, and ever-virgin Mary, and born of her, let him be anathema. 3. If anyone says that the Word of God who did wonders was one and Christ who suffered was another, or says that God the Word was together with Christ who came of woman, or was in him as one in another, but not [that he was] one and the same our Lord Jesus Christ, the Word of God incarnate and made man, and [that] the wonders and the sufferings, which he voluntarily endured in flesh, were of the same, let him be anathema. 4. If anyone says that the union of God the Word with man took place [merely] by grace or by energy, or by equality of honor, or by authority or ascription or relation or power, or by good pleasure—as of God the Word being pleased with the man, from his being well and truly satisfied with him, as Theodore insanely says [let him be anathema]—or [if he speaks of a union] by use of the same name, according to which the Nestorians, calling God the Word "Jesus" and "Christ," and naming the man separately "Christ" and "Son," and evidently speaking of two persons with one appellation and honor and dignity and worship, pretend to speak of one person and one Christ5—but does not confess that the union of God the Word with flesh ensouled with a reasonable and intellectual soul took place by composition, that is, by hypostasis,6 as the holy Fathers taught—and because of this his hypostasis [is] one, namely, the Lord Jesus Christ, one of the holy Trinity—let him be anathema. For, thinking of the union in diverse ways, « Cf. Rom. 11:36. 5 On the ramifications of Nestorianism, which could in its own sense speak of either one prosopon or two prosopa, see L. Hodgson, "The Metaphysic of Nestorius," in Nestorius, The Bazaar of Heracleides, Oxford, 1925, pp. 411-420.

6 Or "according to synthesis" (kata synthesin) and "according to hypostasis" (kath' hypostasin); the actual phrase "hypostatic union" seems to be avoided in the ancient documents.

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some, in accordance with the ungodliness of Apollinaris and Eutyches, assuming the disappearance of the components, affirm the union by confusion; while those who accept the ideas of Theodore and Nestorius, rejoicing in division, introduce the union of relation. But the holy Church of God, rejecting the impiety of each heresy, confesses the union of God the Word with the flesh by composition, that is by hypostasis. For the union by composition in the mystery about Christ not only preserves the components unconfused, but accepts no separation. ["5" reaffirms the ideas of "4," and " 6 " reasserts the propriety of the use of the term theotokos.] 7. If anyone who says "in two natures" does not confess that our one Lord Jesus Christ is made known in Godhead and manhood, in order that he may indicate the distinction of the natures, from which the ineffable union took place without confusion, neither the Word being changed into the nature of the flesh nor the flesh transferred into the nature of the Word —for each remains what it was by nature, even when the union by hypostasis has taken place—but takes the phrase with reference to division into parts in the mystery of Christ [let him be anathema]. Or when [anyone] confessing the number of natures in the same our one Lord Jesus Christ, God the Word incarnate, does not take the distinction of the elements of which he was constituted, which was not taken away by the union, in contemplation only7—for [he is] one of both and both [are] through one—but uses the number as if he possessed separated natures with their own hypostases, let him be anathema. 8. If anyone who confesses that the union was effected out of two natures, deity and humanity, or speaks of one incarnate nature of God the Word, 8 does not so take these [terms], as the holy Fathers taught, that out of the divine nature and the human, when the union by hypostasis took place, one Christ was formed, but out of these phrases tries to introduce one nature or substance of the Godhead and flesh of Christ, let him 1 Moderate Monophysites like Severus of Antioch were willing to admit that "in contemplation" (theoria) there were two natures in Christ, though opposed to describing him in any way by the number two (see J. Lebon, Le Monophysisme Severien, Louvain, 1909, pp. 345-369); this anathema admits the Severian proposition, but at once insists that, however "theoretical," the distinction of natures was real. This anathema, like no. 4, is complicated by the effort to do justice to both Alexandria and Antioch in one sentence. s Similarly here the Monophysite phrases are admitted, but guarded by a Chalcedonian interpretation.

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be anathema. For when saying that the unique Word was united by hypostasis, we do not mean that there was any mixture of the natures with each other, but rather we think of the Word as united with flesh, each remaining what it is. Therefore Christ is one, God and man, the same consubstantial with the father in Godhead, and the same consubstantial with us in manhood. Equally therefore does the Church of God reject and anathematize those who divide into parts or cut up, and those who confuse the mystery of the divine dispensation of Christ. 9. If anyone says that Christ is to be worshiped in two natures, from which two adorations are introduced, one proper to God the Word and one to the man—or if anyone in terms of destruction of the flesh, or of confusion of the Godhead and the manhood, or strangely contriving one nature or substance of the components, so worships Christ—but does not with one adoration worship God the Word incarnate with his own flesh, as the Church of God has received from the beginning, let him be anathema. 10. If anyone does not confess that our Lord Jesus Christ who was crucified in flesh is true God and Lord of glory and one of the holy Trinity, l ° let him be anathema. 11. If anyone does not anathematize Arius, Eunomius, Macedonius, Apollinaris, Nestorius, Eutyches, and Origen,11 with their godless writings, and all other heretics who were condemned and anathematized by the holy catholic and apostolic Church and the aforementioned holy four councils,12 and those who have held or hold the like to the abovementioned heretics, and remain till the end in their own impiety, let him be anathema. [Finally "12" to "14" anathematize the "Three Chapters."] 9 10 11

Monogenes. The formula of the Scythian monks is thus recognized. This casual and incidental condemnation of Origen is surprising and its authenticity has been doubted; however, Justinian was interested in securing a condemnation of Origen's more eccentric speculations, which reappeared from time to time in the more learned and sophisticated monastic circles, and probably did succeed in this incidental manner. Whether the specific anathemas against Origen ascribed to this Council are genuine is uncertain. 12 Referred to earlier in the Acts, and in the Council's formal statement condemning the "Three Chapters."

X I I . THE STATEMENT OF FAITH OF THE T H I R D COUNCIL OF CONSTANTINOPLE (SIXTH ECUMENICAL) INTRODUCTION

Ancient Christology usually began from above, with the question, "How did the Son of God become man?" Modern Christology is more likely to begin from below, with the historical records, and ask, "How can we say that this man is God,1 as Christian experience declares?" A sign of the coming shift to modern ways of thought is the interest of the Monothelete controversy in the concrete acting personality of Christ —his will and operation2—as well as in the more abstract categories of nature and substance. The doctrine it asserts is that in Christ as man everything is to be found that belongs to active humanity, perfected, not injured, by his perfect union with God. Historically it has a special interest for Englishspeaking Christians as the only ancient Ecumenical Council in which the English Church had some part. Pope Agatho's letter to the Council expresses regret that the Greek archbishop of Canterbury, Theodore of Tarsus, was unable to come as his representative. But Theodore had secured a statement from his provincial council on behalf of the doctrine of the two wills, and his unruly suffragan, Wilfrid, "humble bishop of the holy Church of York," took part in the preliminary council of Western bishops held at Rome in 680.3 One may fairly list these actions as the first participation of English Christianity, led by the prelates of Canterbury and York, in ecumenical discussions. 1 The phrase is used by Martin Luther, De captivitate Babylonica, section on the Lord's Supper. * Energeia, or working—closer perhaps to our modern idea of specific human personality than any other term of this theological discussion. 3 G. D. Mansi, Sacrorum conciliorum . . . collectio, Vol. xi, Florence, 1765, col. 305. 38a

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Whoever drafted the formal Statement of Faith adopted at Constantinople in 681 4 emphasized in its very form that this Council wished to reassert the teaching of Chalcedon and develop its implications, as the Fifth Council had reaffirmed the teaching of Ephesus. It begins with a reassertion of the Creeds of Nicaea and Constantinople and the authority of the previous Ecumenical Councils, now five in number. The Creed should be enough, but the new error of one will and one operation has arisen, which must be met; against it Pope Agatho and his Council have written their letters, documents agreeing with the Council of Chalcedon and the Tome of Leo.5 T H E TEXT

Following the holy and ecumenical five councils, and the holy and approved Fathers, and unanimously defining that our Lord Jesus Christ, our true God, one of the holy and life-bestowing Trinity, is to be confessed perfect in Godhead and the same perfect in manhood . . . [the Chalcedonian definition is then repeated,6 with the one additional phrase that Mary is called "genuinely and in truth theotokos"]. . . . We also proclaim two natural willings or wills in him and two natural operations, without separation, without change, without partition, without confusion,7 according to the teaching of the holy Fathers—and two natural wills not contrary [to each other], God forbid, as the impious heretics have said [they would be], but his human will following, and not resisting or opposing, but rather subject to his divine and all-powerful will. For it was proper for the will of the flesh to be moved [naturally], yet to be subject to the divine will, according to the all-wise Athanasius. For as his flesh is called and is the flesh of God the Word, so also the natural will of his flesh is called and is God the Word's own will, as he himself says: "I came down from heaven, not to do my own will, but the will of the Father who sent me," 8 calling the will of the flesh his own, as also the flesh had become his own. For in the same manner 4

Ibid., cols. 631-640; on the Monothelete controversy generally, cf. George Every, The Byzantine Patriarchate, London (S.P.C.K.), 1947, Ch. v. 5 Mansi, Vol. xi, cols. 233-316; the letter of Agatho, though solid, is a heavy and ponderous document, scarcely worthy of being set beside the Tome. « See p. 373. 7 As at Chalcedon, there are four adverbs (one different) in the key statement, two stressing "the undivided" and two "the unconfused." 8 John 6:38.

384

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that his all-holy and spotless ensouled flesh, though divinized, was not destroyed, but remained in its own law and principle,9 so also his human will, divinized, was not destroyed, but rather preserved, as Gregory the divine says: "His will, as conceived of in his character as the Saviour, is not contrary to God, [being] wholly divinized." 10 We also glorify two natural operations in the same our Lord Jesus Christ, our true God, without separation, without change, without partition, without confusion, that is, a divine operation and a human operation, as the divine preacher Leo most clearly says: "For each form does what is proper to it, in communion with the other; the Word, that is, performing what belongs to the Word, and the flesh carrying out what belongs to the flesh." n We will not therefore grant [the existence of] one natural operation of God and the creature, lest we should either raise up into the divine nature what is created, or bring down the pre-eminence of the divine nature into the place suitable for things that are made. For we recognize the wonders and the sufferings as of one and the same [person], according to the difference12 of the natures of which he is and in which he has his being, as the eloquent Cyril said.13 Preserving therefore in every way the unconfused and undivided, we set forth the whole [confession] in brief; believing our Lord Jesus Christ, our true God, to be one of the holy Trinity even after the taking of flesh, we declare that his two natures shine forth in his one hypostasis, in which he displayed both the wonders and the sufferings through the whole course of his dispensation,14 not in phantasm but truly,15 the difference of nature being recognized in the same one hypostasis by the fact that each nature wills and works what is proper to it, in communion with the other. On this principle we glorify two natural wills and operations combining with each other for the salvation of the human race. 9 Horos and logos—boundary and rule. 10 Fourth Theological Oration, 12, see p. 185; this is Gregory's general idea, though the quotation out of context is slightly confused. 11 Tome, 4, see p. 365. 12 Kat' allo kai allo (neuter)—a difference of two elements, but not of two persons, which would call for the masculine. 13 Note the roll call of the theologians most conspicuously connected with each of the first four councils. 14 I.e., his earthly life—literally, "His dispensatory conduct." >5 A glance at the "phantasiasts" (see p. 34), whose ideas sometimes appeared even among Chalcedonians.

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[The text now returns to that of Chalcedon and repeats the censure with which the Chalcedonian Decree closes, adding a condemnation of any who "introduce a new phraseology or turn of speech to overthrow what has now been denned by us."]

C.L.F.—25

INDEXES GENERAL INDEX Anthropolator, 920 Aaron, 89, 90, 136 Antichrist, 367 Abel, 89 Antioch, 16, 22, 24, 30-32,34, 114,118, Abihu, 137 2i6n, 226n, 33on, 33411, 341, 344Ablabius, 240, 256 Abraham, 89, 90, 94, 95, 148, 165, 190, 345. 355 n 193, 344 , 362 Antony, 43, 45, 8on Achilleus, 334 Anupostatos, 376 Adam, 65, 89, 167, 191, 192, 200, aig, Aphthartodocetae, 34 281; second, 177 Apocalypse of Paul, 8on Adrianople, 117 Apollinarianism, 32, 37, son, 124-125 Aeithales, 334 Apollinarians, 30, 220, 226n, 228n, 230, Aeons, 198 232n, 235, 344n, 345n, 352n, 355 Africa, 23 Apollinaris of Laodicea, 30, 124, 216, Agatho, Pope, 382-383 222n, 223, 231, 240, 347, 380-381 Aglaophon, 153 Apollo, 101 Agnoetae, 35 Apologists, 44 Ahaz, 89 Apostolic Constitutions, 27-28 Alexander of Alexandria, 19, 2:7n, Aquileia, 343 Arabia, 137, 238 329-334 Arcturus, 222 Alexander of Byzantium, 2i7n Alexandria, 18, 20, 22, 34, 45-47, 333n, Arianism, Arians, 19-25, 27, 30, 36, 44, n 48, 49, 115, 117, 118, 118-124, 213, 334 > 355; Church, 18-19, 32, n 8 , 219, 220, 225, 235, 237, 240, 241, 329. 332, 346; School, 24, 44-45 242, 268n, 322n, 329~33g, 341-342, Alogos, 27cm 344-345; Germanic, 22,341; Spanish, Amalek, 90 372n Ambrose of Milan, 2in, 122, 343, 344n Arianzus, 114, 119, 120 Ammonius, 329 Ariminum, 22, 341 Amon, 89 Aristotelianism, 14m, 375 Amorites, go Aristotle, 134, ig6n, 243, 249 Amos, father of Isaiah, 89 Arius, 15, 18-21, 30, 230, 242, 329-334, Amos, prophet, g3 347, 381; Thalia, ig Amram, 89 Armenians, 26, 105, 246 Ananias, 212, 260 Asaph, 93 Anarchia, 160 Asbestos, 82, gg Ancyra, 22, 238, 345n Angels, 27-28, 48, 64, 67, 72n, 122, Asceticism, 45-46, 102-103, 105, 113148-149,158-159, 174,184, 196,203, "4> " 9 . 132. 237, 250 Asclepius, 103 219-220, 348, 363, 365 Asia Minor, 113, 116, 222n Anomoeans, 240, 268, 341 Assyria, 87, 131 Anthimus of Tyana, 116 387

388

INDEXES

Assyrians, 90, 307 Astrology, 66, 134 Asturius, consul, 370 Athanasian Creed, 37 Athanasius, 18, 22-24, 30, 32, 34, 4344, 49-50, 52-54, 116, 120, I73n, 241, 245, 248, 335, 383; Against the Heathen, 18, 44; Defense Against the Arians, 43, 46, 334n, 344^ Defense of His Flight, 43; Defense to Constantius, 43; History of the Arians, 43, 344n; Letter to the Bishops of Africa, 23, 335n, 344n; Letter to Epictetus, 23, 30, 43, 358; Letters to Serapion, 23, 43; Life of Antony, 43, 8on; On "All Things Were Delivered to Me," I7n; On the Decrees, 43, 336; On the Incarnation, 18, 44-110; On the Synods (Councils), 43, 332, 341, 344n; Orations (Discourses) Against the Arians, 43, 2i7n; Statement of Faith, 2i6n Athanasius (Arian), 330 Athens, 23, 114, 115 Atonement, 48, 63-70, 74-77, 88, 221, 246, 247, 250. 255, 290-304, 362364, 367, 368 Augustine, 24n, 29, 37,115n, 2i6n, 235, 244, 6 Babylon, 93 Babylonian flame, 131 Babylonians, 90 Balkans, 24, 341 Ballerini, 360 Balthasar, H. V. de, 235n, 253 Baptism, 16, 20-21, 25-26, 114-115, 174, 211-212, 246, 312-318, 322324. 344, 357, 3 6 8 , 372, 374n Barbarians, 105, 106 Bardenhewer, O., 375 Basel, 120 Basil of Caesarea, 23-24, 26, 28-29, 113-117, 120-122, i88n, 21m, 222n, 235-23?, 240-243, 252, 253; Against Eunomius, 23; Hexaemeron, 122, 239; Liturgy, 26; On the Holy Spirit, 23 Basil the Elder, 113 Basilides, 268 Baucalis, 18 Being, 28, 59, 61, 183-184, 190, 197, 207, 208, 376-377 Benedict XIV, Pope, 360 Benedictines, 50, 120, 121 Berlin, 50 Bernard of Clairvaux, 236 Berytus (Beyrout), 21, 329 Bethune-Baker, J. F., 244, 254

Bindley, T. H., 349n, 353n, 355^ 36on, 37m, 378n Bithynia, 344 Boeotia, 101 Bonwetsch, G. N., 248n Book of Common Prayer, The, 37n, 372n

Bright, William, 360 Browne, C. G., 125, 126 Buzi, 89 Byzantium, 33, 40, 117, 217n, 245, 375. See Constantinople Cabiri, 101 Caesarea (Cappadocia), 23, 113—116, 236, 253 Caesarea (Palestine), 330, 335 Caillau, A.-B., 121 Cain, 307 Campania, 347n Cana, 353 Canterbury, 382 Cappadocia, 26, 31, 113, 114, 116, 124, 127, 236, 254; Church, 30 Cappadocian Fathers, 23-24, 26, 283i, 44, " 3 , 235, 237, 241-244 Carpones, 334 Carthage, 36 Casey, R. P., 50, 53 Celestme, Pope, 346, 349 Chadwick, H., 352 Chalcedonian Decree, 33, 355, 371374, 383, 385 Chalcedomans, 33-35, 349, 375 Chaldeans, 102, 104, 105 Cherubim, 204, 207 Christmas, 355, 360, 363n Christology, 17, 24, 35-38; Alexandrian and2 Antiochene, 18, 31, 32, 34, 35, 35 n, 355,38on; ancient and modern, 382. See Jesus Christ Church, 45,47, 380, 381; Catholic, 225, 368, 372, 381; divisions, 79, 223, 356; Eastern, 20, 25, 32, 33, 240, 245, 343, 359, 360, 371, 372; Latin, 24, 37, 359, 372n; Oriental, 33; Western, 20, 24, 25, 245, 343, 359, 360, 372n Churches, 102, 104, 357 Cilicia, 26, 33on Circuminsessio, 243

Classics, pagan, 30, 114-115 Cledonius, 124, 215, 225 Codex Seguerianus, 50 Codex Theodosianus, 232n, 238 Commelin, 49, 52 Commimicatio idiomatum, 376

Constantine, 20, 22, 43, 335-339 Constantinople, 21-26, 32, 33, 53, 114, 117, 118, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124,

230, 235, 238, 246, 341, 343, 346,

INDEXES Constantinople— 359. 37J-372, 375; Anastasia, 118, 122; Holy Apostles, n8n; Holy Wisdom, 118 Constantius, 22-23, 43, 341, 344n Consubstantial, 361. See Homoousios Contradicitur, 369JX

Copts, 45-46 Corinth, 23 Corinthians, 281 Councils, 21, 36, 37, 43, 216, 359, 381, 383; Ancyra, 238; Antioch (270) 17, (324) 335. (341) 34'. (379) 238, 344345; Aquileia, 343; Anmmum, 22, 341; Chalcedon, 25, 32-35, 37, 40, 349. 359. 371, 375. 378, 38on, 383; Constantinople (360) 341, (381) 2226, 30, 118-119, 238, 241, 243, 343345. 372, (382) 26, 2i6n, 343-345, (383) 240, 246, (448) 359, 368-369, 373n, (553) 35, 275, 378-381, 383. (681) 36, 383-385; Ephesus (431) 32, 40, 2i6n, 346, 349, 355, (449) 32, 359, rl36911; Nicaea, 20-21, 33, 36-37, 43, 4> " 6 > " 9 , 334n> 335-34°, 343-344. 348; Nicaea (Second), 235; Rome (369) 345n, (377) 2i6n, (382) 343, (680) 382; Seleucia, 341; Western, 216 Cracow, 121 Cranmer, 372 Crashaw, Richard, 360 Creeds, 20-22, 25, 43, 335, 373; Antioch, 341; Apostles', 16, 361; Ariminum, 22, 115, 117, 341-342; Caesarea, 335; Constantinople, 2526, 32-33, 244n, 343, 371-373, 383; Dated, 341, 342n; Nicaea, 21, 23-26, 32-33. 36, 43, 49, 225, 335-34', 349, 356, 361, 366> 371-373, 383 Crete, 120, 153 Crimea, 36 Cronos, 101, 2O3n Cross, F. L., 50, 52-53 Cross, sign of, 81, 83-85, 101-103, 105, 107, 3H.344" Cross, victory of, 44, 48, 51, 55, 73, 78-84 Cynics, 134 Cyril of Alexandria, 31-32, 34, 346, 349-358, 371-372, 378, 384 Cyril of Jerusalem, 345 Cyzicus, 117, 23on Daedalus, 153 Damascus, 87 Damasus, Pope, 21511, 2i6n, 226, 226n, 227, 238, 343 Daniel, 93, 143

389

Danielou, J., 235n, 251, 253 David, 89, 90, 91, 93, 138, 150, 1174, 186, 195, 210, 223, 260, 275, 297, 362 Death, 59-65, 68, 74-75, 81-86, 99, 250, 283-284, 362-364 Deification of man, 45, 49, 107, i73, 193, 211-212, 220, 240, 250 Delphi, 101 Demons, 46, 66-69, 72-73> 79, 84-86, 97, 101-104, 106, 108, 134, 146, 203, 295 Demophilus, 117, 118 Devil, 48, 59-61, 64, 68, 74, 79-81, 106, 146,181, 247,279-280,298-304,348, 362-365 Didymus the Blind, 24, 44 Diocletian, 46 Dionysius of Alexandria, 17, ign Dionysius of Rome, 17 Dionysus, 104 Dioscorus of Alexandria, 359 Ditheism, 202 Divine Darkness, 136, 137, 239, 250 Dodona, 101 Donatism, 20 Dulcitius, 370 East, Roman, 330. See Orient, Roman Eastern Orthodox Church, 235, 371 Eclanum, 347n Egypt, 87, 9°, IOI> '24. ' 3 1 , '74, >«*; Church, 19, 25, 332, 334n, 349; fall of idols, 47, 90, 91, 174 Egyptians, 19, 25, 46, 47, 90, 91, KOO, 102, 105, 144, 307 Elders, 137 Eleusius, 230 Elias of Crete, 120, 121 Elijah, 92, 134, 148, 156 Elisha, 92 Elkanah, 89 Emesa, 355 Emmanuel, 31, 353-354, 357, 362 Emperors, Byzantine, 22, 24, 33-33, " 7 , .335, 336, 378 Emptying, 363. See Kenosis Energeia, 382n

Enoch, 89, 148 Enos, 148

Enupostatos, 376

Ephesians, 311 Epictetus of Corinth, 23, 30, 43, 358 Epicureans, 56 Epicurus, 134, 141 Epidemia, 46

Epiphanius, Heresies, 329, 333n, Erasmus, 19 Ethiopians, 105

39°

INDEXES

Eucharist, 245-246, 248, 250, 254-255, 352, 368 Eucharistic prayers, 26-28, 321, 352 Euclid, 153 Eudoxius, 230 Eulalius, 21511 Eulogiai, 352

Eunomianism, Eunomians, 29, 118, 122, 123, 12811, 13411, 344 Eunomius of Cyzicus, 23, 117, 230, 240, 32111,32211,381 Eusebius of Caesarea (Cappadocia), 115, 116 Eusebius of Caesarea (Palestine), 18, 1 an, 20, 21, 330, 335-340; Church History, 32o.n; Ecclesiastical Theology, 333n Eusebius of Nicomedia, 21, 329-331 Eustathians, 345 Eustathius of Antioch, 22, 335 Euthymius Zigabenus, 246 Eutyches, 32, 359-363, 367-370, 380381 Eutychians, 375 Euzoius, 334 Evagrius of Pontus, 124 Eve, 200 Ezekiel, 89, 90, 93, 149 Fabius, 347 Faith and Order Conference, 20, 48 Fathers, 257, 278, 349, 373, 383 Felckmann, 50 Feltoe, C. L., 36on Filioque, 372n

Flacilla, 238 Flame and torch, symbol of Christ incarnate, 17, 35, 288, 376 Flavian of Antioch, 118, 345 Flavian of Constantinople, 32, 359, 36gn, 372 Forty Martyrs of Sebaste, 236, 240 French Revolution, 121 Gad, 93 Gaius, 334 Galilee, 353 Gallay, P., 12m, 126, 127, 2i5n Garden of Eden, 58, 276 Genesis, allegorization of, 249, 276, 283 Gentiles, 47, 79, 87, 94, 95, 100, 102, 103, 182, 209 Germanus, 24511 Giants, 134 Gnosis, 239

Gnossian chorus, 153 Gnostics, 20, i8on, 198, 246, 268n, 333 God, passim; essence, 15, 16, 138, 140, 143-145, 159, 178, 239, 259, 264,

269, 332, 364; ineffable, 19, 29, 115, 137-146, 148-150, 157, 160, 165, 167, 170, 189, 196, 198, 207, 209, 221, 228,242, 290,297,318; Creator, 29.44, 47. 56-61, 66, 73, 95-98, 100, '39. 144. 146, 147. i5O-!59. 164, 177, 178, 181, 183, 184, 196, 259, 262, 274, 277, 279-286, 289, 293, 3°o, 317, 333, 337-339. 342, 363» 372 God the Father, 21, 22, 24, 27, 36, 37, 55, 56, 62-66, 68, 7'-74> 89, 9'. 95, 97, 122, 129, 130, 132, 133, 135, 136, 161-164, 171, 173, 190, 191, 195199, 206, 209-214, 217, 219, 223, 225, 241-243, 257, 261-264, 266, 272, 322, 324, 329, 333, 334, 33734°, 342,344,36l> 365,366> 372,373, 378 God the Son. See Son of God God the Holy Ghost. See Spirit, Holy Goths, 22, 105, 341 Gratian, 117, 237,343 Greeks, 45, 51, 55-56, 73n, 84, 95, 98, 100-108, 113, 124, 138, 181, 196, 197, 202, 203, 217, 223, 235, 236, 240, 242, 245, 250, 257, 270, 272, 274, 286 Green, F. W., 243n, 254 Gregorius (Arian), 330 Gregory of Nazianzus (elder), 114 Gregory1 of Nazianzus, 23, 24n, 25-27, 29-3 , 36n, 53, 113-121, 125-127, 235-238, 243, 246n, 247n; Letters on Apollinarianism, 26n, 124-125, 215-232, 35on, 357n; Theological Orations, 26-27, 29, 121-124, 128214, 366n, 384 Gregory of Nyssa, 26, 113, 116, 117, 120, 122, 236-241, 250-255; Address on Religious Instruction (Catechetical Oration), 26, 240, 244-250, 252, 268-325; Against Eunomius, 238, 240, 246, 251, 322n; Against the Macedonians, 240; Antirrheticus adversus Apollinarem, 240; Commentary

on Ecclesiastes, 236; Commentary on the Song of Songs, 238; Contemplation on the Life of Moses, I37n, 251, 253, 256; Letters, 238, 240, 25611; Life of St. Macrina, 237, 240; On the Beatitudes, 239; On the Deity of the Son and Spirit, 1 i7n, 240, 246, 32 m; On the Faith, 240; On the Holy Spirit, 240; On the Holy Trinity, 240; On the Lord's Prayer, 239; On the Making of Man, 239; On the Titles of the Psalms, 239; On the Soul and the Resurrection, 237, 240;

INDEXES

Gregory of Nyssa— On Universal Ideas, 240; On Virginity, 237-239; Oration on Basil, 240, 253; Panegyric on the Forty Martyrs, 240; That We Should Not Think of Saying There Are Three Gods, 28-29, 240-244, 252 Gregory, uncle of Basil, 238 Gregory the Wonder-worker, 113 Hades, 70, 83, 100, 342 Hadrian, 2g6n Haggai, 93 Halicarnassus, 34 Harnack, A. von, 28, 39, 243, 244, 254 Hebrews, 144, 189 Heidelberg, 49, 52 Helladius, 238 Helladius (Arian), 334 Hellanicus of Tripolis, 330 Hellas, 161 Hellenism, 268 Hellenists, 269, 296 Henry, Rose de Lima, 12m, 137 Heracles, 103 Heraclius, 35 Herod, 307, 365 Hesperus, 222 Hexaemeron, 122, 150-159 Hezekiah, 89, 90, 93 Hieracas, 333 Hilary, Pope, 369-370 Hilary of Poitiers, 332, 333n, 34411 Hilkiah, 89 Hodgson, L., 39, 37gn Holl, K., 254, 330 Homer, 157, 203 Homoeans, 243, 341 Homoeousians, 244, 341 Homoousios, 17, 20—21, 168, 171, 190, 244. 254, 333, 334, 337-339. 347, 348, 35°, 356, 361, 373. 381 Hosea, 93

391

Incarnation, 26, 29-30, 37, 47, 58-73, 85-86, 95-ioo, 187, 190, 193, 216221, 225, 231, 246-248, 287-294, 304, 310, 337, 338, 344, 350, 356, 361-366, 369, 372-373, 379, 384 Indians, 82, 102, 104 Inge, 19 Irenaeus, ig8n Isaac, 89, 90, 94, 190 Isaiah, 79, 87, 89, go, g3, I4g, 199, 263, 362 Isauria, 116, 341 Israel, 90, 92, 93, 94, 148, 175, 178,190, 258 Ivanka, E. von, 23gn, 254

Jacob, 87, 8g, go, g4, 148, 189, 203 Jaeger, Werner, 235n, 251 Jahn, 121 James, 28, 205, 244, 256, 265 James, M. R., 8on, gin Jansenism, 360 Jared, 89 Jeremiah, 89, 90, 93, 129, 144 Jerome, 22, 24, 44, I2on, 123, 226, 238 Jerusalem, 90, 93-95, 174, 295, 296, 33°n> 345, 359, 375 Jesse, 89, 94 Jesus Christ: Angel, 28, 362; Apostle, 354; Glory, 182; High Priest, 28, 172, 188, 193, 354; Holy of Holies, 93, 94; Image of God, 65, 67, 74, 93, 100, 101,103, 124, 135, 166,172, i9i;Life, 74-77, 84, 91, 99, 174, '9i» 351, 354; Light, igi, ig2, 337, 338, 350, 372; Lord of all, 87, 88, 91, 94, 100, 103, 105; Mediator, 115, 187,363; Pioneer (Captain), 64, 314-316; Power of God, 73, 75, 7gn, 86, 103, 106, 109, 172, 190, 191, 195, 263, 276, 291, 297, 300, 301, 309, 3 " . 3 r 3, 3'4; Prince, 93; Prince of Peace, 362; Rock, 138, 366; Saviour, 48, 58, 69, Huiopator, 333n 70, 73, 75, 76, 78, 80-84, 86, 87, 89, Hypostasis, 16-17, 23, 26, 28-29, 32, 91, 93, 96, 98, 100, 102, 104, 106, 242, 254, 27on, 333, 339, 342, 344, 108, n o , 123, 185, 198, 210, 217, 219, 226, 227, 294, 318, 357, 363, Z51--AM, 373. 375-377. 379-381, 384 Hypostatic union, 350-353, 379-381 366; Second Adam, 177; Shepherd, Hypsistarii, 114 123, 192, 193, 369; Son of Man, n o , Hyrcania, 105 192, 218, 22i, 231, 240,357, 365, 366, 376n; Wisdom of God, 2g, 70, 72, Ibas, 35 79n, 85, 101, 103, 263, 275, 297, 300, Idolatry, 47, 65-66, 68-69, 74, 84-86, 311. See Son of God; Word of God I0I 90-91, 95, > 105-108, 134, 209, Jesus Christ: deity, 15-20, 22-25, 2937, 48, 49, 63, 64, 70-75, 96, g8, 104, 295 122, 123, i4g, 168, 169, 171-175, Ignatius of Antioch, igon 177-193, 216-221, 347, 350-368, Immortality, 48, 59-64, 74-75, 84, 283, 372, 373, 379-384; humanity, 15364. See Man, resurrection 19, 21, 29-37, 49, 62-65, 69, 71, 72, Immortality of the human race, 307

392

INDEXES

Jesus Christ: deity— 76, 85, 86, 98, 99, 123, 172-175. «77~ 193, 216-221, 226-228, 287-291, 300, 304-306, 310, 320, 347, 348, 350-369, 372. 373. 379-384; two natures, 33, 34, 172, 173, 182, 217, 228, 357, 359, 363, 366-368, 373, 380; unity, 31-37, 49, 63, 64, 72, 74, 173, 178, 182, 190, 216, 218, 293, 337, 338, 346-356, 3 6 '-368, 372, 373, 379-381, 383, 384 Jesus Christ: knowledge, 35, 187, 188; mind, 218-220, 226, 231, 344; operation, 382-384; temple of the body, 62-64, 68-72, 74, 77, 80, 85, 347, 356 (incorruptible, 74, 77, 80, 81, 108, 289); will, 36, 185, 186, 382-384 Jesus Christ: birth, 31, 70, 87, 211, 223, 287, 291, 293, 299, 306, 309, 310, 350; Virgin birth, 62, 71, 72, 74, 89, 91, 103, 162, 173, 192, 217, 225, 290, 299, 342, 35O-353, 356, 357, 361366, 373, 379; infancy, 47, 174, 287, 350, 365; miracles, 69, 70, 72, 76-78, 92, 103, 174, 175, 184, 211, 228, 247, 29?, 3°o> 354, 365, 379, 384; offerings, 34, 35, 73, 135, 174, 180, 188, 228, 231, 287, 337, 338, 351, 354, 356, 357, 365367, 372, 379, 384; crucifixion, 34, 48, 73, 79-81, 87-92, 175, 180, 217, 287, 310, 311, 315, 342, 366-368, 372, 381; death, 16, 34, 63, 70, 73-81, 83, 86-88, 175, 231, 289, 291, 293, 310, 315, 342, 35 1 , 354, 364, 367; resurrection, 16, 34, 48, 63, 69, 70, 76-78, 80, 81, 83-87, 175, 217, 228, 231, 291, 312, 3'5, 342, 354, 367, 372; ascension, 210, 211, 228, 312, 342, 372; Second Coming, 109, 218, 337, 338, 342, 37? Jesus Christ, life in, 18, 47, 84-86, 132, •33 Jesus, name of, 84-86 Jewish teaching, 208, 274 Jews, 44, 47, 51, 55, 57, 66, 67, 72, 75", 76, 79, 87-95, 103, 174, 181, 209, 263, 268, 269, 274, 295, 296, 307, 309 Joash, 89 Job, 133 John, apostle, 28, 57, 94, 120, 122, 149, 205, 244, 256, 265, 350, 351, 367, 368 John the Baptist, 79, 122, 149, 174, 365 John Chrysostom, 31, 124 John of Antioch, 32, 355, 358, 371 John of Damascus, 37, 245, 246 Joseph, 222

Joshua, 90 Josiah, 89, 90 Jovian, 115 Judaea, 91 Judah, 89, 92, 94 Judaism, 270, 272, 296, 374 Judaism, second, 222, 227 Judas, 223 Judgment, 109, 110, 135, 225, 262, 263, 3.25, 337, 338, 342, 372 Julian, apostate, 23, 30, 43, 115 Julian of Eclanum, 347 Julian of Halicarnassus, 34 Julius, 334 Julius of Puteoli, 369 Justin I, 33 Justinian, 35, (378) 381 Justin Martyr, 15, 27, Kelly.J. N. D., 21, 39,335n, 34m, 342n Kenosis, 350, 363

Kingdom of Christ, 179, 372 Labyrinth, 153, 315 Lamech, 89 Last things, 109, n o , 245, 247, 304, 3*5, 3 ! 7, 325 Latrocinium, 359

Law, 66, 75, 137, 296, 332, 351 Lazarus, 34, 174, 175, 228, 365 Lebon, J., 34n, 50, 352n, 38on Leo, Pope, 32, 34, 359, 360, 375; Letters, 360; Sermons, 360, 363^ Tome, 32, 33, 349, 359-372, 378, 383, 384 Leonine Sacramentary, 4gn

Leontius of Byzantium, 35, 40, 245, 375-377 Levi, 165 Lewis, C. S., 19, 52 Libya, 101, 334 Lights, as symbol of Trinity, 213, 214, 223, 333, 337, 338, 372 Liturgy, creed in, 26, 33, 371, 372; Roman, 4gn, 360 Logos, 20, 44, 58n, 191. See Word of God Loofs, F., 243n, 253, 346, 348n, 353n, 375n Lucian of Antioch, 18, 331 Lucianists, 18, 19, 331 Lucifer, 144. See Devi) Lucius, 334 Luke, 55n, 123, 258 Luther, Martin, 382 Lycia, IOI Macarius, 45, 47-55 Macarius of Jerusalem, 330

INDEXES

393

Macedonians, 30, 118, 123, 240, 34411, Moses, 57, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 94, 130, 134, 138, 158, 189, 204, 220, 236, 345 n 251, 276, 283, 299 Macedonius, 23, 117, 381 Moslems, 36 Macrina, 114, 236-237, 241 Mount (New Testament), 218 6 Mount (Sinai), 36, 137, 189, 194 Magi, I74»3 5 Mummies, 46 Mai, Cardinal, 251, 375 Mysticism, 124, 134, 136-139, 148-150, Mammon, 204 236, 239, 250, 253 Man, original state, 48, 58, 67, 68, 74, 239, 246, 254, 276, 280, 364; Fall, 44, 47, 48, 59-62, 65, 246, 277, 281, Naaman, 92 364; redemption, 45, 61-73, 2&9> Nadab, 137 293-295. 3°2, 3°4. 3°5. 3°7. see also Name of Jesus, 344-n Atonement; resurrection, 63-65, 74— Names, Christian, Eusebius, 33m; 75. 81, 84, 135, 185, 239, 315, 342, Gregorios, 114 372 Nathan, 93 Man assumed (humanity of Christ), Nautilus (man), 155 2i6n, 240, 294, 305, 310, 355 Manichaeans, 167, 218, 226, 246, 268, Nazianzus, 23, 24J1, 25-26, 114, 115, 116, 119, 124, 2i5n 269, 281 Neale, John M., I22n, I59n Manichaeus, 333 Nectarius of Constantinople, 25, 119, Manoah, 148 124, 230, 345 Mansi, J. D., 345n, 378, 382n, 383n Neocaesarea, 113, 115 Marcellus of Ancyra, 22, 345n Neo-Nicene, 23-24 Marcion, 198 Neo-Platonism, 19 Marcus, 198, 268 Neo-Platonists, 115 Marcus Aurelius, 46 Nerses, 246 Marius Mercator, 353 Nestorianism, 37, 240, 346, 352n Marriage, 132, 237-239, 353 Martyrs, 46, 81-83, IO2 , JQ6, '09, 114, Nestorians, 375, 379 Nestorius, 32, 346-349. 353, 355. 3 7 ' 228, 236, 240 372, 380-381; The Bazaar of HeraMary, Virgin, 31, 216-217, 225, 342, cleides, 39, 359, 379n 347-348, 350, 352-353, 356-357. Newman, J. H., 119, 121, 127 361-365, 372-373, 379, 383. See Jesus Christ, Virgin birth; Theotokos New Testament (Covenant), 208, 209, Mason, A. J., 126, 12811 332, 364 Nice, 22, 341 Matthew, 362 Nicaea, 116, 118, 119, 336 Maximus the Confessor, 36, 235 Nicene faith, 28, 30, 116, 123, 343-345 Maximus (the Cynic), 118 Mazaca, 113. See Caesarea (Cappa- Nicodemus, 324 Nicomedia, 21, 329 docia) Noah, 89, 148, 156, 307 Media, 152 Nun, 90 Melchizedek, 193 Nyssa, 113, 116, 237, 238 Menas, 334 Methodius, 245, 248 Migne, Patrologia Graeca, 52, H7n, 121,Oceani, 203 126, 24m, 251, 341, 352n, 375n, 376n Oikonomia, 322n, 372n Milan, 12a, 343 Old Testament, 27, 47, 123, 196, 208, Moab, 87, 90 209, 361 Modaiism, 16 Olympias, 238 Monarchia, 160, 202, 204 Opitz, H. G., 2in, 50, 53, 329, 33on, Monarchy, divine, 15 332, 336 Monogenes, 190, 191, 330, 333, 336, 337, Oracles, 66, 100, 102 342, 350-351, 354, 356, 372-373 Monophysites, 33-35, 23m, 349, 35m, Orient, Roman, 35-36, 355 Origen, 16-17, '9. 3°. 35. 37. " 3 . 352n, 375, 378, 38on 2i6n, 235, 237, 241, 242, 245, 246, Monophysitism, 240 247, 248, 250, 381; On First PrinMonotheletes, 35-36, 382, 383a ciples, 17, 244 Montanism, 27 Origenists, 124, 245, 38m Montfaucon, 50, 51, 52 Orion, 158

394

INDEXES

Orontius, 347 Orphism, 134 Ousia, 17, 23, 28, 32, 242, 342, 376 Oxford, Honours School of Theology, 50 Paintings, 68, 184 Palamedes, 153 Palestine, 238, 330 Papa, 329, 332, 333, 334 Papias, 222n Parmentier, L., 343 Parousia, 46 Parrhasius, 153 Pathos, 20.2n

Paul, apostle, 15, 57, 60, 64-70, 75, 106, 107, n o , 124, 128, 133, 134, 138, 149, 175, 181, 182, 209, 217, 311, 322, 324, 362 Paul of Emesa, 355-356 Paul of Constantinople, 22 Paul of Samosata, 16-17 Paulinus (Arian), 330 Paulinus of Antioch, 118, 345 Peacock, 182-183 Pelagians, 346 Pelagius, 347 Pentapoiis, 334 Percival, H. R., 349n, 353n, 355n, 37m, 378n Perichoresis, 243

Persecutions, 44-46, 67, 114, 209, 32933'. 343 Persia, 91 Persians, 105 Persona, 32

Peter, apostle, 148, 149, 174, 260, 309, 35'. 358, 366, 3 6 8 Peter, James, and John, 28, 205, 244, 256, 265 Peter of Alexandria, 46 Peter of Sebasteia, 114, 236 Phanetes, 203 Phantasiasts, 34, 38411 Pharaoh, 138, 220, 222 Pharisees, 77 Phidias, 153 Philippians, 311 Philo, 46n Philogonius of Antioch, 330 Philosophers, 45, 95, 104, 202 Phoenicia, 33on Photius, 245n Phthartolatrae, 34 Physis, 32, 34, 351-358 Pistus, 334 Plato, 29, 56, 98, 134, I38n, 157, 16m, 239, 276n; Platonic, Platonism, 47, 13m, 146, 239 Pleiades, 158, 222

Pntwnatomachi, 23011, 344

Polyarchia, 160 Polytheism, 15, 145-146, 202-203, 217-218, 268-270 Pontus, 113, 115, 124, 236 Post-Nicene Fathers, 51, 52, 121, 125, 126, 24m, 252, 34gn, 36on, 37m Presbyters, 19, 114-115, 215, 332-333 334n, 361, 369 Progress in religion, 27, 208-210 Prophets, 15, 45, 66-67, 90, 91, 93, 212, 296, 332, 36l» 372-373 Prosopon, 15, 32, 344n, 347^ 379n Protogenes, consul, 370 Pseudo-Athanasius, 352n Pseudo-Dionysius, 250 Pseudo-Matthew, Gospel of, gin Pulcheria, 238 Puteoli, 369 Pythagoras, 134 Pythoness, 101 Quesnel, 360 Rawlinson, A. E. J., 243, 254 Relton, H. M., 39, 375 Renaissance, 49, 120 Renatus, 369 Robber Council, 32, 359 Robertson, A., 50, 51, 52 Roman Empire, 113 Rome, 116, 123, 343, 382; Church, 16, 32, 346, 349, 359, 375; Lateran Basilica, 37cm Ryan, G. J., 50, 53 Sabaoth, Lord of, 190 Sabellianism, Sabellians, 15, 17, 181, 213, 241, 242, 244, 268 Sabellius, 333, 334 Sadducees, 196 Salem, 193 Samaria, 87, 365 Samaritan, 174 Samuel, 89 Sapphira, 212 Sarcolater, 220 Sarmatas, 334 Sasima, 116, 121, 235 Satan, 80, 247. See Devil Saturn, 20311 Saul, go, 186 Sayers, Dorothy, 20 Schwartz, Eduard, 40, 2i6n, 346, 349, 355. 35?«. 36gn, 37m, 378 Scotus Eriugena, 235 Scripture, 27, 109, n o , 123, 136, 146, 153. '55, 156, 157, 163. '77, 2'5. 339. 357. 359, 361

INDEXES Scythian monks, 375, 38m Scythians, 105, 181 Sebaste, 236 Second birth, 312, 313, 317, 321, 323, 361 Secundus of Pentapolis, 334 Seleucia, 116, 341 Semi-Arians, 22, 23, 118, 23on, 336, 341

Sennacherib, 90 Septuagint, 123 Seraphim, 23 Serapion, 23, 43 Seth, 191, 200 Severus of Antioch, 34, 38on Shepherd of Hermas, 57 Sin, 48, 60-62, 66, 280, 281, 286, 307, 308, 362, 363, 368, 372. See Man, Fall Sirmium, 341 Socrates, Church History, 336, 34011, 342n Sodom, 307 Solomon, 89, 93, 122, 130, 150, 177 Son of God, 17, 19, 21-25, 27, 36, 37, 63, 68, 69, 73, 74, 81, 8 5) 86, 103, 106, 115, 123, 178-190, 195-199, 201, 202, 206, 209, 211—214, 219, 225, 240-243, 256, 257, 260, 262264, 266, 322, 329, 330, 332-334, 337-339, 342, 344. 350-354. 356, 361-366, 368, 372, 373, 378 Sozomen, Church History, 332 Spicilegium Romanum, 375n

Spirit, Holy, 17, 23, 25-29, 36-38, 47, 123, 136, 140, 159, 160, 172, 175, 187, 190, 192, 194-214, 219, 223225, 241, 243, 256, 257, 260, 262264, 266, 272, 273-275, 312, 322, 324, 333n, 337, 338, 342, 344, 348, 349. 354, 361-363, 366-368, 372, 373, 378; Breath of God, 29, 201, 273-275; life in, 201; Paraclete, 27, 28, 210, 212, 342 Srawley, J. H., 246, 252, 253, 255 Stephen, 258 Stoicism, 47, 134 Subordinationism, 15, 242 Subslantia, 17, 23, 24, 242 Swallow, J. F., 125, 126 Syria, 26, 30, 330; Church, 31 Syrian desert, 123 Syrians, 90 Tabernacle, 158 Telfer, W., 334 Temple, W., 37n, 39 Terah, 89 Tertullian, 17, 27, 244

395

Tethyes, 203 Theodore of Mopsuestia, 31, 35, 379 Theodore of Tarsus, 382 Theodoret, 35, 245; Church History, 2i6n, 2i7n, 329, 335n, 336, 342n, 343 Theodosius 1,24,33,' J 7>' '8,12011,238 Theodosius II (347), 359 Theodotus, 330 Theonas of Libya, 334 Theophanes, 35n Theophilus, 55n Theoria, 239, 380 Theos, meaning of, 29, 189, 242, 260, 263 Theosebeia, 237 Theotokos, 31, 216, 348, 352, 353, 356, 357, 373, 379, 3^3 Thessalomca, 25, 359 Thomas Aquinas, 37 Thrace, 22, 341 "Three Chapters," 35, 381 Tillich, Paul, 376 Timotheus, 2i6n Timothy of Alexandria, 119 Transjordan, 238 Transubstantiation, 249 Trinity, 17, 23, 24, 26-29, 36, 37, 123, 136, 138, 159, 161, 176, 1Q5-199, 201, 202, 206, 210, 217, 223, 240, 241, 244-246, 250, 254, 257, 258, 260-267, 270-275, 322, 344, 375, 376n, 379, 381, 383, 384 Tripolis, 33on Tritheism, 28, 202, 242, 37611 Turner, C. H., 28n Tyana, 116 Ueberweg, F., 245 Ulfilas, 22, 341 Ullmann, C , n8n, 127 Unitarianism, 244 Unity, nature of, 287, 288, 376, 377 Universal and particular, 28, 203-206, 256-259, 265 Valens, 24, 43, 115-117, 237, 343 Valentinians, 2i7n Valentinus, 198, 268, 333 Vicenza, 49 Vitalius, 226, 227 "Void and Full," 134 War, 60, 105, 106 Wesley, Charles, 360 Wigram, W. A., 37811 Wilfrid of York, 382 William of St. Thierry, 236 Williams, George H., 2an

39^

INDEXES

Wisdom of Solomon, 48, 59, 60 Word of God, 15-18, 30, 37, 44, 46-48, 5i. 55, 56, 58-78, 7gn, 80, 81, 85-88, 91-104, 107-110, 131, 132, 143, I46n, 158, 161, 172, 175, 180, 182, 183, 191, 194, 202, 222, 231, 240, 249, 271-275, 308, 31011, 311, 320, 337. 347. 348, 350-354. 357. 3 6 l ~ 363, 365, 369, 379-38i, 383, 384 Wrestling, 78, 128, 148

Xanxaris, baths of, York, 382 Zacchaeus, 324 Zahn, 24311 Zechariah, 93 Zeus, 46, 101 Zeuxis, 153

BIBLICAL REFERENCES Genesis

1:1 1:16 1:27 2:7 2:9 2:16, 17 3:6 3:8

3:21 4:26 5:3 7=" 15:6 18 18:8 19:24 22:13 22:18 32:28, 30 46:26 49=!° Exodus 3:2 3:6 3:14 7:1 14:20

15:3 19:3 19:13 19:16 19:24 20:2 24:1 25M9 32:15 33:21-23 37:8

57 158 276 279 i75 58 318 207

Numbers 12:7 220 24:5-7 87 24:17 87 Deuteronomy 4:24 --189 6:4 15,258,265 6:7 130 11:19 130 21:23 79 28:66 88,90 Judges 13:22 148 I Samuel 15:28 186 I Kings 3:12 150

248,283 148 191 156 148 221 148 172 148 362 190 222 4:29 94 Job 3:9 221 9:9 190 12:14 189 15:25 138,220 26:8 144 26:10 "9° 28:14 136 137,'94 38:17 137 38:22 136 38:28, 29 190 38:31 137 38:36 204 40:7,8 '37 Psalms 1:2 137-138 2:1 204

Psalms—continued

3:8

190 325

7:12 8:2 8:4 16:11 18:10 18:12 19:1

325 138 139 79 207 144 177

19:5,6

!57

22:1 22:16-18 23:2,3 24:7 26:4 31:19 15° 33:6

211 222 156 '44 156 155 177 342 156 156 158 153 133

182

4:I 4:3,4

34

:l

36:3,4 36:6 36:9 39 :I i 44:23 45:2 45=6 457 5KIO, 12 55 :I 7 59:3 65:2 66:6 68:8 68:12 130 68:20 163 68:35 8o:i 81:12 82:1

180 88 !93 80,190 223 294 274 '3O

361 150 "95 285 207 174 172 178 212 '3O 185 222 163 190 190 190 190 175,207 215 179

INDEXES

397

Psalms—continued Isaiah—continued 82:6 325 100 82:6,7 59 11:10 89 82:8 179 14:12 H4 84:7 210 35:3-6 92 84:9 260 41:4. 172 92:15 325 43:10 210 93=3,4 365 44:6 207 94 :I '9° 174 96:11 355 53:2 88 104:4 158 53:3-10 l8 222 104:4,5 4 53:4,5 i75>'93 104:20—23 158 537 105:18 222 53:8.... 90,193,339,342 178 107:20 94 5 3 : " 107:32 333 63:9 94 110:1 179 63:10 197,212 "0:3 172,334 64:4 no 114:6 178 65:1,2 91-92 118:27 94 65:2 79 119:68 297 Jeremiah 2 .129 120:4 56 4:19 .198 125:4 186 4:22 1 .132 !37:4 13 9:21 .203 139:6 150 10:16.... 141:5 197 11:19 « 143:10 212 23:24 140 207 145:5 138 31:28 ! 128 45:9 325 50:31 145:12 138 145:16 325 Lamentations 145:21 222 3:34 .144 H7:4 158 147:9 222 Ezekiel 1 •'49 Proverbs •193 8:22 172, 177 34:16.. 8:25 169, 178 9:1 363 Daniel 5:12.... •143 30:29 204 9:24,25•93 Ecclesiastes 3= 1 130 Hosea 7:23.24 150 9:3 .131 11:1 ..87 Song of Solomon 13:14... ..82 5:16 175 Isaiah 1:16 2:4 4:4 6

7 7:i4 8:4 0:19 9:6 10:23 11:2

Joel 324 106 263 '7. J49 357 87,362 87 199 362 128 si2

2:13.

•325

Amos •lB5 Micah 4:3 7:18

106 325

Habakkuk 1:8

.137

Zechariah 13:7

.177

Malachi 2:17

190

Wisdom 1:7 2:23, 24 6:18 7:22-27 7:26 11:15 i3:I

140,212 48,60 59 212 172 H6 59

Ecclesiasticus 1:2

199

Baruch 3=35-37 •• 3:37

187 227

Matthew 1 1:1 1:20 1 =23 3:i7 4:1 4:2 5:14 6:24

357 362 211 87,362 365 211 228 365 l8 3 204

7:20 7:26, 27 8:24 8:26 8:32 9:4 9:12 9:34 9:35 11:13 11:28 12:24 12:28 12:31, 32

133 143 166 173 365 132 260 284 10 3 J 75 94 174 103 211,212,263 212

12:35 13:32 13:33 13:52 14:25.31 16:13-19 16:17-19 16:18 17:2 17:27 19:4-6

186 187 220 28 '74 366 149 137-138 174 174 57

398

INDEXES

Matthew—continued 19:24.26 183 20:23 172 2i :i8 173 23:25,26 .227 ,116 24:42 .185 26:39 . 110 26:64. • • • •175 27=5', 52. .322 28:19. • • • •179 28:20 Mark 1:13 1:24 2:19 4:38 4:39 5:7 5=9 5:13 6:35-51 6:50 8:38 9:43,48 10:18 10:45 13:22 14:22 14:62 Luke 1 1:31 1:32 1:35 4 1:41 1:78 2:14 2:51 3:21 4:1 4:2 4:14 4:30 4:34 5:8 6:1 8:24,25 8:28 8:31-33 9:29 9:56 10:18 10:30-37 11:13 11:15 11:20

.-...228,365 86 183 228 365 86 174 "32 228 228 27 325 186 192 172, 187 320 no

357 348 178 178,211,363 174 178 228 172 172 211 228 211 104. 86 149 123 365 86 132 174 369 80 174 213 103 212

Luke—continued John—continued 13:21 220 10:9, 11 192 16:16 94 10:15 369 19:8 324 10:18 175 19:10 68, 70 10:37,38 72 22:41 172 10:30 366 22:42 36,185 10:36 172 22:44 173,188,228 11:25 '9'.192,351 24:5 199 ":33-37 34 24:39 367 11:34 172,228 2449 213 " : 3 5 173 " =34, 35,43 175 John 228 1:1 172,365 11:43 79 1:3 57,201,218,365 12:32 188 1:5 181 12:49 14:2 133 172,191, 192 1:12 324 14:6 14:9 191 1:13 321 14:12 210 1:14. .221-222, 330, 350, 14:16 195,210,212 353, 363, 365 342 172 14:16, 17 1:18 14:17 2il 211 1:32,33 14:26 210,212,366 14:28 172, 181 172, 188 2:2 353 15:10 2 : 2 1 3 5 356 15:26 . . l6l, 198, 2IO, 211 16:5 184 3:3 68,323 16:7 2IO 3:4 "83,323 l6:l2 I49 3:5 212 16:13 211,212 3:6 322 16:28 334 3:6, 7 321 ! 16:33 74> 228 3:8 212 17:1, 2 182 3 : 1 3 . . . 218,231, 366, 376 17:2 222 3:31 3 ! 5 17:3 186 3:34 185,350 17:5,6 182 4:6 173,228 I7:iO 184 4:10 213 l8:ll I72 201 19:28 4:24 228 57 184 19:34 5:17 368 5:19 172,183,184 20:17 172, l8l 5:20 172 20:21 172 5:22 182,262 2O:22 213 5:26, 27 182 2i:25 I49 5:36 172 6:27 172 Acts 213 6:38 185,383 1:4 211 5 6:51 174 1:8, 9 6:57 1:14 34 8 6 8 4 6:63 1 2:3 212,213 212 2:8-i 1 308 77 183 2:27 79 8:12 172 2:31 76 8:15 172 8:28 2:33 188 172 2:36 172,188 8:29 188 8:42 3=21 179 334 8:48 5:3 212,260 4 1 7 4 8 5:4 260 8=59 174,194 aia 9:32,33 92-93 5:9

INDEXES Acts—continued 7:14 8:16 10:47 13:2 I3 ; 2, 3 16:3 17:28 20:23 20:28 21:26 23:8 26:26

222 212 212 197 212 209 96,191 212 376 209 196 77

Romans 1:1-3 362 1:23 146 1:25 65-66 1:26, 27 60 3:6 262 6:10 316 7:22 217 8:9 211 8:10, 11 212 8:15 211 8:16 212 8:26 187,201, 213 8:38 159 9:5 i°8 9:21 310 9:28 128 10:20, 21 91-92 11:33 '5° 11:36.. 206,334,372,379 14:10 no 15:26 212 15:33 190 16:27 186,332 I Corinthians 1:17 '75 1:21 6g 1:24 172,191 1:30 192 2:8 107,366 2:9 110,139,325 2:10 140,199,212 2:11 211 2:14, 15 281 2:16 211,226 3:16 212 4='5 322 5=6 3'8 5:7 220 6:17 35i 0:19 212 I2:il 212, 263 12:29 134 : I3 9 149

I Corinthians—continued J 3:i2 147, 149 14:15 201 17 '39 15:21 22 6 5 15:28 180,181 15:41 158 15:45 180 15:47.-124,231,315,337 15:47,48 218 15:49 226 '5:53-55 75 '5:55 82 II Corinthians 211 3:17 3:18 210 4:4 191 4:16 217 5:10 no 6 5:14. ' 5 4 5:16 187 :i J 5 9 5 5:20 176 5:21 180,222 11:6 149 12:2 138, 149 12:4 124 13:3 '49 13:14 206,212 Galatians 2:20 188 3:13 79,180,222 3:16 362 4:4 212 4:6 212 5:11 209 5:12 222 6=3 324 Ephesians •••372 1:9, 10 ...182 1:17 ....80 2:2 79.355 2:14 ...217 3:16 ...218

399 Philippians—continued 2:7-11 178 2:8 227 2:10 311 2:18 172 Colossians 5 1:16 2=9 2:15

.191 •159 .rgr •350 .100 .181

I Timothy 1:17 186,190 2:5 " 5 . 187,363 3:16 268,378 4=4 279 4:5 320 4:10 264 6:15 65,190,332 II Timothy t:6 2:14, 16 Titus 1:9... 2:11..

213 128 .268 •295 • 185

Hebrews 1:3 16,17,172, 191 i:7 158 2:4 213 2:8 44 2:9 35' 2:9, to 64 2:10 172,188,314 2:14 353'362 6 2:14. 15 4.74 2:17 188 2:18 181 3=1 354 ....70 3:i7 3-"5 220 3:18 ...3» 4:15 187,226 •••357 5-7. 8 4:5 180,188 ...322 5:8 172 4:6 .. .212 6:1 181 •••197 6:16 265 •••354 7:1-10 5:2 193 Philippians 7:25 187 2:1 .212 7:26-28 354 2:7.-172, 227, 350,363. 8:1 193 373 8:3 188 9:i.3 158

400

INDEXES I Peter

Hebrews—continued 10:20 10:38,39 11:3 12:26 12:29 13:8

80 160 57 208 189,212 193

James 1:17... 2:1...

•357 .182

1:2, 18, 19 2:22

3:I9 4=1

5'-1 II Peter '••4 I John 1:7 2:1

I John—continued 368 •7 1 175 358 215

2:27

212

4=2.3 5:5.6,8

367 368

5:8

205

Revelation .48

1:8 22:2

172 175

368 Shepherd of Hermas 57 187 Mandate 1