\'Political correctness\' - the politics of culture and language - Norman Fairclough

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'Political correctness': the politics of culture and language Author(s): NORMAN FAIRCLOUGH Source: Discourse & Society, Vol. 14, No. 1, Special Issue: Political Correctness (JANUARY 2003), pp. 17-28 Published by: Sage Publications, Ltd. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/42888547 Accessed: 08-02-2016 10:25 UTC

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ARTICLE '

Political

culture

17 correctness and

the politics

of

language J®

NORMAN FAIRCLOUGH LANCASTER UNIVERSITY



Discourse & Society ©2003 Copyright SAGE Publications (London, Thousand CA Oaks, andNew Delhi) Vol14(1):17-28 [0957-9265 14:1; (200301) 17-28:028927]

I approachthecontroversy abstract. In thisarticle, over'political correctness' ofthreequestions: a socio-historical a (PC)interms question, theoretical anda political ( 1) Whythisapparently question questionas follows. focusinpolitics on achieving socialandpolitical increasing changethrough andchanging culture that changing language- whathashappened socially canexplainthe'cultural turn'andthelanguageturn'inpolitics, insocialand andinotherdomainsofsocialpractice? political theory, (2) Howareweto understand therelationships of amongculture, languageandotherelements - howarewetounderstand sociallifeandsocialpractices therelationship between andlanguage, andsocialchange?(3) Forthosewho changeinculture arepolitically committed tosubstantive socialandpolitical on change(whether theright orontheleft), whatplacecan a politics centred aroundculture and whichis tohavesomechanceofsuccess? languagehaveina political strategy Thearticleconcludes witha discussion ofstrategies andtactics forcontesting of 'PC'. critiques key words: culture discourse correctness , dialectics, ,political

■ We mightsee the controversy around 'politicalcorrectness'(PC) as a political in whichboththosewho are labelled'PC' and thosewho label them controversy 'PC' are engagedin a politicsthat is focusedupon representations, values and - in short,a 'culturalpolities'.An immediatecaveatis thatthehomoidentities geneityof 'PCers' (thosewho are labelled'PC') is no more than a constructed homogeneity producedthroughthelabelling,butI shallleavethatuntillater.The objectiveon bothsidesis culturalchange (in a sense of 'culture'I shall explain shortly)as a triggerforbroadersocial change. This makes sense of the obserhave made,thatthereis a sortof pervation,whicha numberof commentators formative in critiquesof 'PC' because theywouldseemthemselves contradiction

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14( 1) Discourse & Society to be instancesof thesortof culturalpoliticswhichis the objectof critique(see e.g. Cameron,1995). Because changingcultureis conceivedon 'bothsides' as is partly,but only partlya matterof changinglanguage,the 'PC' controversy I focus here on a over shall the partly, controversy language. language aspect.It seemsto me thatin orderto increaseour understanding of whathas been going on in the'PC' controversy, as wellas forthosewho see themselvesas broadlycommittedto politicalchangefortheenhancementof socialjusticeto learntactically and strategically fromit,thereare severalquestionswhichneed to be addressed. con1. A questionabout social historyand social change in thesocio-historical in focus textof the 'PC' controversy: this politicson why apparentlyincreasing culture and social and changing achieving politicalchange throughchanging language?What has happenedsociallythatcan explainthe 'culturalturn'and and in otherdomains the'languageturn'in politics,in social and politicaltheory, of social practice?(Section1). between 2. A questionabout theory:how are we to understandtherelationship life and social and other elements of social culture,language practices(including social institutionsand organizations,urban or industrial infrastructure, in between culture change relations)?How are we to understandtherelationship and language,and social change?(Section2). 3. A questionabout politicalstrategyand tactics:forthose who are politically committed to substantivesocial and politicalchange (whetheron therightor on theleft),whatplace can a politicscentredaroundcultureand languagehave in a whichis to have some chance of success?(Section3). politicalstrategy 1. Socio-historical context: Society, culture and language culand changingrelationships The questionof therelationships amongsociety, tureand language is a highlycomplexquestionto whichI can giveonlyrather summaryattentionin thisarticle.I wantto followWilliams(1981) in theorizing a cultureas a 'signifying system'constitutedas an articulationof representaSocial analysisis concernedwiththedialecticalintertions,values and identities. relationsbetweensignifying systemsand otheranalyticallyseparablesystems etc.).I call these kinshipand familysystems, (economicsystems, politicalsystems, for there are reasons because, seeingthemas difalthough analyticallyseparate them and signifying between i.e. the are not discrete, ferent, sysrelationship they the economic in that for instance temsis dialectical systeminternalizes,enacts and inculcates (see Section 2 on theory)signifying systems.Necessarilyso, thereis alwaysa dialecticalinterconnection because human beingsare reflexive, and themselves value and identify betweenwhattheydo and how theyrepresent, therelationwhattheydo. Seeingculturesas signifying systemsalso helpsclarify shipbetweencultureand language: culturesexistas languages,or what I shall rathercall discourses(and in theirenactmentas 'culturalforms'and inculcation as identities,as genresand styles- see Section 2). But culturesare not only

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'Political correctness9 19 Fairclough: discourses,theyare also systemsand formsof consciousness,and theymay be ideologies- again, neitherexcludesdiscourses,neitheris discrete,but theyare Letus say thata particularformof social lifeis a particular different. analytically to in Williams'terminology of socialpractices(the'systems'referred networking above) includingparticulararticulationsamong culture,language (discourse) and otherelementsof social practices;and let us say that social change is a of social practicesand thearticulationof elements. changein thenetworking This will have to sufficeas a theoreticalbasis forapproachingthe question aboutsocialhistoryand change.In broadterms,an increasingsalienceofculture and discoursein (an increasingly social lifeis a featureof modernity, reflexive) and perhapsespeciallyof changesin social lifeoverrecentdecades.The 'cultural turn'and the language turn'are firstof all 'turns'in social lifeitself,and only secondarilyturnsin philosophyand social theory.Let me quicklyreviewsome morerecentaspectsand indicationsof thischange.First,the'cultureindustries', importantdomainsof social includingbroadcasting,have become increasingly with otherdomains of social practice(the ecopractice,and theirnetworking featureof nomy,politics,familylife,etc.) has becomean increasingly significant social life.Cultureindustriessuch as televisionare (as thetermsuggests)entities on an economiclevelas wellas others,buttheyare specializedfor'signifying sys- and the representations, tems'in Williams'terminology values and identities in and projectedand circulatedthroughthemare uncontroversially constructed of increasingsocial significance. Otherdomainsof social practice(e.g. politics, familylife,communitylife)workmoreand morethroughthe mediationof the cultureindustries, and culturalrepresentations and values (and therefore thediscourseswhichcirculatethroughtelevisionand othermedia)playan increasingly salientrolein thewayin whichpolitics,familylifeand so on, work. in economicproducSecond,cultureand discourseare increasingly significant tion and consumption.It is a truismthat commoditiesare now consumedfor theirculturalor 'sign'value ratherthanjusttheir'use' value,and are accordingly of culturalvalues and discourses,targetedwithever producedas embodiments at 'nichemarkets'(definedin termsof greaterprecision culturallydifferentiated Another truism is thateconomiesare increasgeneration, etc.). gender,lifestyle, which ingly 'informational'or 'knowledge-based'and 'knowledge-driven', - drivenforinstanceby shiftingmanagerialdisamountsto discourse-driven coursesthatcome to be enactedas managerialsystemsin businessand industry. By the same token,the knowledge,skills,aptitudesand attitudesof employees, theirvalues and theiridentities,and therefore their('lifelong')education and become a concern for business. training, major Thereare otherrespectsin whichidentities come to be an increasingly salient concern.Economictransformations haveradicallychangedthesocialrelationsof work.The systemof social classes definedprimarilyby social relationswithin economicproductionhas lostitspotencyas theprincipleshaperof social identities and differences. The attachmentof politicalparties and governmentsto particularsocial class interestshas virtuallydisappeared.Governmentsare

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14( 1) Discourse & Society withbusiness,and see a largepartof close 'partnerships' insteadin increasingly and 'human resources'contheirrole as creatingthe financial,infrastructural ditionsforsuccessin thehighlycompetitive 'globaleconomy'.Educationbecomes a primaryconcern,but also formsof 'culturalgovernance',the formationand of identitiesand values. Meanwhile, leftpolitics,unable to transformation and the ideologicalassault of the New respondto thesesocial transformations counter-hegemonic strategy(Hall, Rightand neo-liberalismwith an effective centred are no has become longer upon the political They 1994), fragmented. to a politicsof issues' and but oriented to and social classes 'single parties a of much as to and difference as politics re-distributive recognition,identity socialjustice. over This briefsketchhas broughtus to thepointof entryof thecontroversy is located 'politicalcorrectness',because as I indicatedabove this controversy withinthe shiftto 'cultural'politics,the politicsof recognition, identityand difference.The pointof arrivingat thispoliticsbytherathercircuitousrouteI have taken above, however,is that 'PC' needs, I believe,to be framedrathermore of recent broadlythan it has generallybeen withinthe social transformations values and directedat changingrepresentations, decades.Culturalinterventions and (giventheparticularfocusof thisarticle)doingso in partthrough identities, social changinglanguage (discourse),are actuallypervasivein contemporary inculcation of in which the in economic life.They are pervasive practices, to them, corresponding employeesintonew waysof workingand new identities partlythroughattemptsto get themto not onlyuse but 'own' new discourses (some of the buzz-wordsare: 'teams', 'networks','partnerships','flexibility'). Theyare pervasivein politicsand in the mediationof politicsthroughthe press and broadcasting- as forinstanceHall (1994) pointsout,thehegemonicprojects of Reagan and Thatcherwere orchestratedat different levels,and were partly projectsforchangingcultureand discourse. is itsnarrow featureof the'PC' controversy one striking Fromthisperspective, smallpartof thispervasiveprocessof culturaland discurfocuson one relatively Forone thing,as Hall (1994) pointsout,theleftculturalpolisiveintervention. tics which was labelled 'PC' by the right really took off during the Reagan-Thatcherera, whichwas characterizedby substantialculturaland disThese werelinkedto thedevelon thepartof government. cursiveinterventions opmentand diffusionof a neo-liberalpoliticalagenda and politicaldiscourse especiallyon the part of New Right'thinktanks' (such as the Adam Smith Institutein the UK), whichwerecloselylinkedto the Reagan and Thatchergovernments.The 'terrorism'of feministsand anti-racistsin, forinstance,their acceptanceforguidelinesforanti-racistand antiattemptsto gain institutional sexistlanguage use (see Section3 of thisarticle)seem smallbeerin comparison and impositionof neo-liberaldiscoursethrough with the systematicdiffusion international organizationssuch as theWorldBank and theOECD,and through theverymediawhichwereloudestin condemning'PC'. in formsof culturaland discursive differences Of course thereare significant

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'Political correctness'21 Fairclough: to see the generalityof the process.A whichcan make it difficult intervention, anti-racists and of TC' has been of attempts byfeminists, primary target critiques othersto persuade organizationssuch as workplacesor universitiesto adopt guidelineswhichask peopleto thinkabouthow theyact and speak,to avoidcertainbehaviourand language(e.g.sexistlanguage),and to adoptalternatives (the are discussedin Mills' articlein thisissue). effects of thesedebatesforfeminists Thereare also considerablevariationsin what one mightcall the illocutionary stanceof such activists(asking,urging,demanding),but what is goingin such cases is an overtattemptto challengeand change individualbehaviourand lanvalues and repreguage.Bycontrast,theneo-liberalprojectto changeidentities, or extend and 'individualresponsibility', sentations(e.g. to inculcate'flexibility' such as 'customer'or 'consumer'to publicservicessuch as edumarketidentities cation)has mainlyreliedupon the covertpowerof systems(internationalagenmedia,businessor publicserviceorganizations). cies,nationalgovernments, in contradiction Letus comeback to thequestionoftheapparentperformative of 'PC' assemble a diverse of actions and of 'PC'. Critics together range critiques interventions on thepartof diversegroupsof people(teachers,academics,feministactivists,etc.) withinthecategoryof 'PC', and sometimesreferto themcolsome sortof homogeneoussocial movement.It is as iftheyconstituted lectively that fewofthoseidentified as 'PCers' to show easyenough theydo not,moreover, correct' acceptthemselvesto be such. 'Politicalcorrectness'and being'politically are,in themain,identifications imposedupon peoplebytheirpoliticalopponents. to changerepButthisin itselfis also a formof culturalpolitics,an intervention values and identities as a wayof achievingsocialchange(Cameron, resentations, on thecomplicity of sectionsof themedia. 1995). And ithas reliedprimarily The isolationof 'PC' fromthemoregeneralprocessof culturaland discursive intervention has provedto be a remarkably effective sections way of disorienting of theleft(see Section3). At thesame time,ithas perhapshelpedto divertattentionfromthe more general,more pervasive,more profoundand effective processes of cultural and discursiveinterventionreferredto above. It is worth consideringwhycriticsof 'PC' readilysay that it is 'PC' to suggestthat adult femalesshouldbe referred to as 'women'and not 'girls',but do notsee it as 'PC' when 'bank accounts' are re-labelledas 'financialproducts'.This re-labellingis forbankemployees,and imposedon customers,and in that certainlyprescriptive sensehas to do withwhatis 'correct'.ButI imagineitis notgenerallyseen as 'political'.The critiqueof 'PC' assumesa liberalseparationbetweenthe'political'and the'economic',whereasfromtheperspective ofpoliticaleconomythe'economic' is 'political'(Sayer,1995) - the generalizationof marketsand the commodity formto finance,to publicservices,and indeedto mostof contemporary social life whichsuch re-labelling is a partof is an eminently'political'change. 2. Theory: Language, social practices, and social change Letme turnto thetheoreticalquestion,whichI have alreadybegunto addressin

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Discourse & Society 14(1) Section1. How are we to understandtherelationships amongculture,language and otherelementsof social lifeand social practices(includinginstitutions and urban or industrial social How are we to infrastructure, relations)? organizations, understandtherelationship betweenchangein cultureand language,and social change? I suggestedabovethata particularformof social lifeis a particularnetworking of social practicesincludingparticulararticulationsamong culture,language and otherelementsof social practices;and thatsocial change is a change in the of social practicesand thearticulationof elements.A social practice networking secondaryeducation)is an articulationof analyti(e.g. commodityadvertising, elementswhich are not,however,discretebut dialecticallyintercallydifferent connectedsuch that each internalizesthe others(Chouliarakiand Fairclough, different 1999; Fairclough,2000; Harvey,1996). Letus say thattheanalytically elementsare: • • • • • • •

activities; values,purposes, knowledge,beliefs, subjects(endowedwithrepresentations, attitudes); social relations; instruments; objects; timeand place; discourse.

- peopleinteract,and at thesame time reflexive Social practicesare inherently theyrepresentto themselvesand each otherwhat theydo (sometimesdrawing of what theydo whichcome fromotherpractices,includupon representations and 'expert'practices).What theydo is thenshaped and reing governmental shaped by their representationsof what they do. We can understandthe dialecticalinternalizationof discoursewithinotherelementsin these terms: activitiesforinstance are enactmentsof discourses(e.g. the way a teacher teachesis an enactmentof particularrepresentations, particulardiscourses,of teaching maybeevendeveloped'theories'of teaching). - theoriesof This perspective is thebasis of theoriesof social constructionism constructedas an effectof discourses.Such social lifeas socially(discursively) 'discoursetheory'has helpedshape theformsof culturalpoliticsthathave been labelledas 'PC'. Processesofculturaland discursiveintervention, includingwhat is referred to as 'PC', can be seen in thesetermsas attemptsto changediscourses on theassumptionthatchangingdiscourseswill,ormay,lead tochangesin other For elementsof social practicesthroughprocessesof dialecticalinternalization. than 'the instance,ifpeoplecan be persuadedto talkof 'partner'rather person I'm livingwith'or 'lover'(or even 'mistress'),or ifpeoplebeing'sacked'is partly displacedin publicdiscourseby organizations'downsizing',therewill (or may) be consequential changes in how non-maritalrelationshipsand economic and how peopleact and reacttowardsthem.Changes are perceived, restructuring

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'Political correctness'23 Fairclough: but shiftsto different of discourseare notmerelyre-labellings spheresof values. In thecase of 'partner',thisinvolvesa shiftforsomepeopleto thevalues of busiwhichhas made thetermuncomfortable even formanywho ness relationships, use it;in thecase of 'downsizing'thereis a shiftto thevalues of a particularform over'PC' is attributable to oftenimplicitdifofeconomics.Partofthecontroversy ferencesbetweenthose who assume some formof 'discoursetheory',which impliesthat representationsare always positioned,value-laden and chosen This compareswith those who assume a against alternativerepresentations. between what is said/written and 'the lanand direct transparent relationship level of discourse (Cameron,1995). guage',withoutthemediating However,one has to be cautiousabouthow one understandssocial (discursive) also works'the otherway constructionism. First,the dialecticalinternalization round',whichamountsto sayingthatdiscoursesdo not come out of nowhere. of discoursesin otherelementsof social practices Second, the internalization their elements,e.g. theplantand machineryof an (including physical-material is a conditioned and contingentprocess.To see whythisis so, we need industry) to lookmorecloselyat thedialecticsof discourse. Let me distinguishamong threeprincipleways in whichdiscoursefiguresin social practices.It figuresfirstly as discourses between'dis(note the distinction course' as an abstractnoun and as a countnoun - thelatteris just one aspectof the former).Discoursesare positionedrepresentations self(includingreflexive in of social the sense that different representations practices) positioned positionsin the social relationsof a social practicetend to give rise to different in representations. Secondly,itfiguresas genres- waysof actingand interacting their discourse (more broadly:semiotic) aspect. For instance,interviewing, it figuresas styles- waysof being, lecturingand conversingare genres.Thirdly, in their discourse identities, (semiotic)aspect. For instance,thereare various waysof beinga politicalleaderor a manager,whichare partlybodilyand partly discursive. With these distinctionsin mind,let us turn to the dialecticsof discourse. Discoursesincludenot onlyrepresentations of how thingsare, theycan also be of how could or be, representations things 'imaginaries'.Theycan representor interconnected webs of instruments, activities, imagine objects,subjectsin social relations,timesand places, values, etc. As imaginaries,theymay come to be enactedas actual websof activities, subjects,timesand places,values,etc.- they can become actual ways of acting and interacting.Such enactmentsinclude genres- thedialecticalenactmentof discoursesis partlya movementwithinthe discursive/semiotic moment/element of social practices,and partlya movement betweenthismoment/element and others.Theymayalso cometo be inculcated as new ways of being,new identities- includingnew styles(but also new bodily behaviours). whatI am suggestingis a moderateformof 'social 'May' is cruciallyimportant: constructivism' (Sayer,2000) which recognizesthat discoursesmay construct and reconstruct social practices,social structuresand social life,but whichalso

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Discourse & Society 14(1) - the sedieffects recognizesthatthereare no guaranteesof such constructive and thehabitusesof peoplemaymake themresistant. mentationof institutions The generalpointhere is that a dialecticalview of social practicesshould also include a recognitionof the formationof (relative)permanences,which may limitthedialecticalflowbetweenelements(Harvey,1996). Theserelativepermanences are of two main types.First,the relativepermanenceof institutions, organizations,networksof practices,structures.The pointis a ratherobvious one: structuresand institutions developinternalrigiditiesthatcan make them resistantto any formof change and resistant,in particular,to culturaland discursivechange. Second,the relativepermanenceof habituses.The habitusof a stances,knowperson(Bourdieuand Wacquant, 1992) is a set of dispositions, whichdevelopsovertimeand hows,and so forth(discursiveand non-discursive), can also be resistantto change. The conclusion,which I elaboratein political of discoursesare coneffects termsin Section3, is thatthesociallyconstructive and habituses. tingentupon theresistancesof structures 3. Political strategy and tactics: The politics of culture and language Let me turnnow to the thirdquestion,about politicalstrategyand tactics.For those who are politicallycommittedto substantivesocial and politicalchange (whetheron therightor on theleft),whatplace can a politicscentredaroundcultureand language have in a politicalstrategywhichis to have some chance of success? Letme approachthisissue via anotherquestion:whyis it thatthecritiqueof 'PC' has beenso successful? Whyis itthatithas dividedtheleft,and confusedand disorientedsome sectionsof it?Whyis it thatlabellingone's opponentsas 'PC' has provedto be such a durabletactic,stillwidelyresortedto (e.g. bythecurrent and previousleadersof the BritishConservativeParty,Iain Duncan-Smithand Was it perhaps WilliamHague) presumablybecause it is seen as stilleffective? is something there shoot that have a real to because thecritiquesof TC' at, target reallyproblematicabout the formsof culturalpoliticswhichwere the primary target? Thatis theviewofHall (1994), whosecritiqueI broadlysubscribeto,although I thinkhe is wrongto himselfreferto theculturalpoliticshe is critiquingas 'PC'. of theThatcher in Britainwithintheaftermath Hall locatesthe TC' controversy leaderwas whose Council London of the Greater abolition (GLC), government's GLC as sees the Hall of London. now Ken Livingstone, havingbeen an Mayor incipient left counter-hegemonicproject to the hegemonic project of theculturalpoliticsofthenew social Thatcherism, bringingtogether successfully movements(anti-racism, feminism, etc.)withmoretraditionalleftpoliticsbased The politicaland especiallymedia on thetradeunionsand thelabourmovement. Hall as GLC left' the offensive was, pointsout, a critiqueof 'PC' loony against ofthealliancearound constituents WiththedemiseoftheGLC,the avantla lettre.

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'Political correctness'25 Fairclough: and some engaged in what Hall sees as a voluntarist it became fragmented, formof 'vanguardisť culturalpoliticscentringupon 'PC' - it lost any sense of theneed fora strategic, dimension.Hall is carefulto discounter-hegemonic, tinguishbetweenthevalidityof a culturalpoliticsfocusedupon a critiqueof lanofsocialidentities and differences, and thevanguardist guagein theconstruction in which this was its to way politics pursued attempt policelanguageand behavan ultra-left of 'demands'. iour, politics Having said that,the dangerof people on theleft,such as Hall,usingthelabel 'PC' (see also Eagleton,2000: 89) is that itfailsto recognizethatthedifferentiation he is seekingto makewithinleftpolities'tacticsand strategiesare fudgedoverin thecritiqueof 'PC' - his own more cautiousculturaland discursiveinterventions are just as likelyto be critiquedas 'PC'. Criticsof 'PC' had a plausibletargetbecause some(butonlysome)oftheforms ofculturaland discursiveintervention labelledas 'PC' smackedofthearrogance, and of an ultra-left self-righteousness puritanism politics,and have caused wideresentment even antispread amongpeoplebasicallycommittedto anti-racism, sexism,etc. I recall,forinstance,a discussionwitha respectedpoliticalactivist someyearsago aftera politicalmeetingin whichthe debatewas interrupted by what he saw as self-righteous, holier-than-thou, hectoring,which fetishizeda ratherminormatterofwording(someonereferred to thechairas 'MrChairman') thatwas irrelevantto thepointat issue,and was damagingto themeetingas a politicalevent.My impressionis thatsuch reactionswerecommon.It is true,as criticsof the critiqueof 'PC' have oftenpointedout, thatsome of the favourite chestnutswere apocryphal(e.g. 'coffeewithoutmilk'insteadof 'black coffee'), butnevertheless theresonancewhichthesecritiqueshavehad indicatesthatthey did connectwithpeople's experiences.The critiquesare certainlyreactionary, theycertainly dependupon a spuriousconstructcalled'PC', theyisolateone form ofculturaland discoursalintervention fromotherforms, butlikemostsuccessful ideologiestheycontaina partialtruth. Whatfollowsfromall thisis thatifthepoliticsof cultureand language are to workas partof a politicalstrategy withsomeprospectof success,theyhaveto be within a of structures and habituses- a hegemonicpolitics,in integrated politics Hall's terms,whichbringstogetherinterventions at variouslevelsof the social. For example,not focusingon sexistor racistlanguage use in an organization throughnon-sexist/non-racist guidelinesin isolationfromotherpotentiallydissuch as salarydifcriminatory aspectsof thesocialrelationsof theorganization, ferentials or proceduresforpromotion. The righthas understoodthisbetterthan theleft,thoughsomeon theleft(stillbrandedwithinthecatch-allideologicalcategoryof 'PC') haveunderstoodittoo.Neo-liberaland New Rightpoliticshavetarand institutions, educationalsystems(and thereby theformation getedstructures of habituses),as well as culturalrepresentations, values and identities. That in itselfis no guaranteeof success, and thereare manifestly resistancesboth to enactment and inculcation of neo-liberal discourses. Moreover,relatively successfulenactmentdoes not guaranteerelatively successfulinculcation:there

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Discourse & Society 14(1) is a stageshortof inculcationat whichpeoplemay acquiesce to new discourses forstrategicand withoutacceptingthem- theymay mouththemrhetorically, with discourse in public market instrumental purposes,as happens,forinstance, servicessuch as education. 4. Conclusion The editorialin theBritishdailynewspaperTheMail on 1 1 April2000 was headlined 'Deplorablebid to stifledebate', and attackedthe 'liberalfascism'of the LiberalDemocratsfortheircomplaintto the CommissionforRacial Equality in publicstatements about aboutthelanguageofbothLabourand Conservatives peopleseekingpoliticalasylumin Britain.A focusof debatewas asylumseekers beingdescribedas 'bogus'.The Suneditorialon thesame day,undertheheading 'Bogus issue', said: 'What a sad commentaryon thisPC-obsessedcountrythat, insteadof confronting theproblemhead on, we are talkingaboutthe "rightlan. . . The majority guage"to use!' It also says:'ThereIS a floodofillegalimmigrants ARE bogus' and 'The issuehas nothingto do withrace.' overpoliticalasylumin Britainduringthepastcoupleofyears The controversy of thestrategyof wheelis an exampleof the apparentcontinuingeffectiveness how But of 'PC' out mightthosewho are againstpoliticalopponents. charges ing as towards committedto more sociallyjust policies refugees well as 'economic bothtacticallyin particularinstanceslikethis, migrants'respondto thisstrategy, And in aimingin thelongrun to makethestrategyineffective? and strategically contribute? These are bigissues how mightdiscourseanalystsand sociolinguists whichI can onlytouchupon here. and morespecificaspectsof neo-liberalism criticsofglobalization, Strategically, themsuch as policieson migrationlack,as Hall (1994) pointsout,a hegemonic thattheemergingsocio-economic Thereis a widespreadunderstanding strategy. orderis deeplyproblematic, that,forinstance,largebusinesscorporationshave have too littlepower,thattheadvocacy toomuchpowerand electedgovernments in thefreemovementof moneyand goodsstandsin starkconof 'liberalization' on themovementof people.Yet,so far,thereis no trastto theharshrestrictions coherentalternativevisionof a social orderwhichcan attractthe supportand Whetherand when such a convictionthatmightlead to a hegemonicstrategy. is better one of its pre-conditions strategywill emergewe cannot know.But theoryand analysis. of the 'PC' conThereis clearlya need fora bettertheoreticalunderstanding can contribute and left. Discourse the on,broadly, sociolinguists analysts troversy and the 'PC' and controversy, seekingways to theorizing throughresearching intothepoliticaldebates.Whatis missingon theleftis a bringtheirperspectives generalunderstandingof the significanceand natureof culturaland linguistic social life.We need a balof contemporary in thetransformations interventions anced view of the importanceof language in social change and politics,which avoidsa linguistic questionsaboutlanguageas vanguardismas wellas dismissing

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'Political correctness'27 Fairclough: of a politicsof language withinpoliticalstrategies trivial,and an incorporation and tactics. Whatdoesthisimplytacticallyforrespondingto thecritiqueof 'PC' in contexts overpoliticalasylum?First,thatthisparticularissue be such as thecontroversy contextualizedwithin contemporarypatternsof migration,analysis of the causes of migration, includinganalysisof how pressurestowardsmigrationare of thecontemporary neo-liberal'global' the producedthrough damagingeffects the and social fabric of on the economic, poorercountries political restructuring that the role of of the world. and regions Second, governments, politicsand the in (as Bourdieu,1998, putsit) clearing the restructuring, media in legitimizing be placed upon the politicalagenda, and be away obstaclesto the restructuring relatedto specificissues such as politicalasylumand immigration policy.Third, and its thattheimportanceof language,of discourse,in boththerestructuring issues like this become a matter for with to one, respect particular legitimation in of the 'PC' reducAnd that the use of debate. fourth, strategic critique political and the linguisticand discoursalaspects of re-structuring ing and mystifying also becomea matterfor and as an instrument of politicalstruggle, legitimation, politicaldebatewithinthiswiderframe. Of course,none of thisis easy.But 'PC' needsto be addressedseriouslybythe and damagingstrategy. left,because thecritiqueof 'PC' remainsan effective ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I am grateful to PhilGraham(University of Queensland) and SallyJohnson (Lancaster on a draft of this article. for comments University) helpful REFERENCES P. (1998) A ReasonedUtopiaand Economic NewLeftReview 227è. Bourdieu, Fatalism', 25-30. P.andWacquant, L.( 1992)AnInvitation toReflexive . Oxford: Press. Bourdieu, Polity Sociology D. (1995) Verbal London:Routledge. Cameron, Hygiene. N. (1999) Discourse inLateModernity L. andFairclough, : Rethinking Critical Chouliaraki, Discourse Press. Edinburgh: Analysis. Edinburgh University T.(2000) TheIdeaofCulture. Oxford: Blackwell. Eagleton, N. (2000) 'Discourse, SocialTheoryand SocialResearch: The Discourseof Fairclough, Welfare Reform', Journal 4(2): 163-95. ofSociolinguistics Incorrect" Hall,S. (1994) 'Some"Politically Pathways ThroughPC',in S. Dunant(ed.) TheWarof theWords: ThePolitical Correctness Debate , pp.164-84. London:Virago Press. D. (1996) Justice andtheGeography Oxford: Blackwell. , Nature Harvey, ofDifference. A. Radical Political : A Critique. Oxford: Blackwell. Sayer, (1995) Economy A. (2000) Realism as SocialScience. London:Sage. Sayer, R. (1981) Culture. London:Fontana. Williams,

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28

Discourse & Society 14(1)

■ norman FAiRCLOUGHis Professor ofLanguageinSocialLifeat Lancaster UK University, andhas written on critical discourse extensively analysis.RecentbooksincludeDiscourse in LateModernity and New Press,1999, withLilieChouliaraki) (Edinburgh University NewLanguage? ofLinguistics, Lancaster Labour, 2000). address: Department (Routledge, Lancaster LAI 4YT,UK.[email:[email protected]] University,

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\'Political correctness\' - the politics of culture and language - Norman Fairclough

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